BBHAGSIA PRESIDENT ATTENDS SESSION OF THE AFRICAN PEER REVIEW MECHANISM (APRM) OF THE AFRICAN UNION

BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka was asked to Chair the Panel, “Sixth region – Critical thinking and Action Plan towards re-integration at the African Union” at the 2nd Annual Centre for Global Africa (CGA) – APRM Pan African Development Conference on 12-14 November 2020 hosted by the African Peer Review Mechanism of the African Union and the Centre for Global Africa. While Mr. Baleka did not chair the panel, here is what he asked the panel on behalf of the BBHAGSIA and the Lineage Restoration Movement and all black people in the United States whose ancestors survived the criminal European Trans Atlantic trafficking of people of African ancestry and heritage:

From Siphiwe Blake to All Panelists: 11:33 AM

1. There is a perception, as evidenced, for example, the overwhelming number of this conference panelists’ “accents” and birthplaces, that the AU 6th Region initiative is something for African expatriates and not those of us whose ancestors were taken from Africa against their will. Also, most of the outreach is perceived as only interested in getting money through investment and heritage tourism, which is producing some negative pushback. Besides outreach to the HBCUs, what must the Diaspora Division/CIDO do to rectify this?

2. Why, after 17 years, has the African Union failed to seat any of the 20 representatives from the Diaspora in ECOSOCC? What must the Diaspora Division/CIDO do to rectify this and to ensure that such representatives come from the segment of the diaspora that resulted from the slave trade so that that population is not further marginalized at the AU?

My question was especially intended for Ato Teferi Melese, Director for Diaspora Information & Research/ CIDO which is responsible for diaspora affairs at the African Union.

Unfortunately, Ambassador Dr. Salah Siddig Hammad, Head of Governance at the Department of Political Affairs at the African Union, did not answer the questions directly. Instead, he reiterated that the Diaspora is welcome to participate. However, when Dr. Njeri Mwagiru pushed him further, the Ambassador rejected any responsibility and instead, blamed the Diaspora, saying that the Diaspora "wrongly interpreted the meaning of the 6th Region" and that the question should be asked of the Diaspora itself. This is a complete misrepresentation of what happened since 2003 up to the present. Further, here is excerpts from the discussion that occurred in the panel chat room:

From Ronnette H. to Everyone: 11:39 AM

Wow -His choice of words

From Dr. Akwasi Osei to Me, All Panelists: 11:40 AM

Thanks for your question. It truly is a perception; in all my years as an immigrant, it has been descendants of slaves in Africa who have been my teachers, from Molefi Asante, to Maulana Karenga. And the glue is a belief in the pan African mindset. of slaves in America

From Siphiwe Baleka to All Panelists: 11:43 AM

My question was posed not in the general context of Pan Africanism, bust specifically in the context of AU 6th Region mobilization. I am afraid I have been totally misunderstood.

It was not meant as a launching pad for a history of Pan African contributions, it was meant as a current critique of the actual events/participation that have been held under quasi-official AU/6th Regions banner. The most important question, the initial participation in ECOSOCC, still has not been addressed.

Unfortunately, the Ambassador only reiterated that there is a "welcome". The practice and implementation in official AU organs, like ECOSOCC, evidences otherwise...

From Dr. Akwasi Osei to Me, All Panelists: 11:43 AM

Ok, Siphiwe Sorry if I misread you. How to make concrete the 6th region has been an ongoing issue. The CGA-APRM collaboration is only a way to make it concrete

From Siphiwe Baleka to All Panelists: 11:44 AM

No worries. This is what dialogue is for. Understanding.

From Ronnette H. to Everyone: 11:45 AM

"Black people" as mentioned by the professor before may change the way their classify themselves and say the term "African" or "African American" instead of just "American" or "black" when speaking of Africans both on the Motherland and American born "diaspora"

From Siphiwe Baleka to All Panelists: 11:47 AM

Can you provide the email for Ato Teferi Melese?

FYI- 750,000 "black" people have taken the African Ancestry DNA test and are classifying themselves based on their maternal and paternal ancestry.

From Siphiwe Baleka to All Panelists: 11:52 AM

That work was started by civil society in the Diaspora in 2003. CIDO obstructed it. CIDO never provided clear guidelines and left the responsibility to the Diaspora. We created a procedure and hosted elections but it was rejected by CIDO. After 17 years, it is CIDO's responsibility to say clearly what the process for seating the representatives will be. Remember, this was THEIR initiative and after 17 years, there are zero representatives. Not because of lack of effort on the Diaspora's part.

Please review.

http://www.siphiwebaleka.com/.../exposing-the-au-6th...

CGA APRM Conference2.jpg

Mr. Baleka’s comments on this post are in no way intended to detract from the great work of the Center for Global Africa or of Professor Ezra Aharone at Delaware State University.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is just that - a way for African people to review the activities of the African Union. It must be receptive and responsive to critical analysis and input from all members of the African Union's six regions.

Please read Mr. Baleka’s critique of the AU 6t Region Mobilization effort in the United States:

THE AU 6TH REGION DIASPORA INITIATIVE IS FAILING MEMBERS OF THE DIASPORA WHOSE ANCESTORS WERE ENSLAVED IN THE UNITED STATES

ACTUAL PICTURE OF AU ECOSOCC REPRESENTATION

“In the past three AU Summits in June 2015, January 2016 and July 2016, the AU Executive Council issued decisions for the full representation of Member States at the ECOSOCC.

Based on the ECOSOCC Constitution, 152 representatives are to compose the AU ECOSOCC General Assembly: 2 from each Member State; 10 at regional level; 8 at continental level, 20 from the Diaspora; and 6 appointed by special consideration by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission. South Sudan brings the number to 152 with additional two seats. You can read the Report and find out which States have full, half and no representation.

Currently, AU ECOSOCC operates at less than half its full capacity with resultant imbalance in Member State and gender ( contrast with AU Commissioners) representations; consequent demoralization of the disenfranchised, and predictable loss of opportunities.

23 Member States and Continental African Diaspora that steadily contributes to the Gross National Product of Member States through remittances, Diaspora Sovereign bonds, and hometown investments, have no representation. Five Member States have partial representation. There is no special appointee.

Members of the ECOSOCC are duly elected representatives to serve constituencies - the people - as a core mandate in advancing the voice the civil society in realizing the Vision of the AU.

It is realistic to say ECOSOCC Representatives cannot properly advise African Heads of States, make evidence-based recommendations, and implement AU policies without necessarily being hands-on with the people.

Each Member State of the AU is entitled to 2 Seats at the AU ECOSOCC


ECOWAS: Western Africa: 15 Member States: Entitled Representation 30

Full Representation: Benin; Cote D'Ivoire; Ghana; Nigeria; Togo: 10 Representatives.

Partial Representation: Senegal: 1 Representative out of 2.

Total Representatives for Western Region: 11.

No Representation: Burkina Faso; Cape Verde; Gambia; Guinea; Guinea Bissau; Liberia; Mali; Niger; Sierra Leone.Vacancies: 18

Total Vacancies: 19

*Guinea is considered vacant unless verified after an unfortunate news.

Result: Out of 30 expected representation for ECOWAS' 15 Member States, there are 11 Representatives and 19 vacancies. Representation is 37%. ECOWAS is under-presented by 63%.


Southern Africa: 13 Member States: Entitled Representation: 26



Out of 26 expected representation for the Southern Region, there are 8 Representatives and 18 vacancies. Representation is 31%. The Southern Region is under-presented by 69%.

Note: Countries that are officially in SADC but in another Regional Economic Community such as Tanzania (Eastern) and Congo DRC (Central) are not listed in order to avoid duplication and an over count of Member States of the African Union.



Eastern Africa. 11 Member States: Entitled Representation: 22

Full Representation: Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia; Sudan; Uganda: 14 Representatives.

Partial Representation: South Sudan (1); Tanzania (1): 2 Representatives out of 4.

Total Representatives: 16.

No Representation: Rwanda; Burundi: 4 Vacancies.

Total Vacancies: 6

Out of 22 expected representation for Eastern Region, there are 16 Representatives and 6 vacancies. Representation is 73%. The Eastern Region is under-presented by 27%.


Central Africa. 9 Member States. Entitled Representation :18.

Full Representation: Cameroon, Congo DRC. 4 Representatives

No Representation: Central African Republic, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Equatorial Guinea; Gabon, Sao Tome and Principle: 16 Vacancies.

Out of 18 expected representation for the Central African Region, there are 4 Representatives and 16 vacancies. Representation is 22%. The Central Africa Region is under-presented by 78%.

Note: Burundi is accounted for in the Eastern Region.


Northern Africa. 6 Member States. Entitled Representation: 12

Full Representation: Algeria; Egypt; Mauritania; Tunisia; Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic: 10 Representatives:

No Representation: Libya: 2 Vacancies

Out of 12 expected representation for the Northern African Region, there are 10 Representatives and 2 vacancies. Representation is 83%. Northern Africa is under-presented by 17%.

SUMMARY
Total Member States of the African Union: 54

Western Africa: 15; Southern Africa: 13; Eastern Africa: 11; Central Africa: 9; Northern Africa: 6.

Expected Representation per ECOSOCC Constitution based on 2 Representatives from each Member State: 108

Current Representatives: Western Africa: 11; Southern Africa 8; Eastern Africa: 16; Central Africa: 4; Northern Africa: 10:

Out of 108 expected representation for AU Member States, there are 49 representatives and 59 vacancies. Representation is 45%. Member States' Representation is under-presented by 55%.

23 Member States have no representation at the ECOSOCC and 5 have partial representation.

Entitled Representation Per ECOSOCC Constitution at Regional Level: 10

Western: 2 Representatives. Senegalese Nationals.

Southern: 1 Representative. Zambian National.

Eastern: 1 Representative. Sudanese National.

Central African Region: No Representation.

Northern Africa: 2 Representatives. Libyan and Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic Nationals.

Current Representatives: 6

Total Vacancies: 4

Out of 10 expected representation at Regional Level, there are 6 Representatives and 4 vacancies. Representation is 60%. Regional Representation is under-presented by 40%.

Entitled Representation Per ECOSOCC Constitution at Continental Level: 8

2 Sudanese Nationals (2 from Eastern Region).

2 South Africa Nationals, 1 Zambian National (3 from the Southern Region).

1 Ghanaian National, 1 Togolese National; 1 Nigerian National (3 from the Western Region)

Current Representatives: 8

Out of 8 expected representation at Continental Level, there are 8 Representatives. There is no vacancy. Representation at the Continental Level is 100%.

Note: CSOs at Continental Levels must be operating in at least 3 Member States.



Entitled Representation Per ECOSOCC Constitution at Member State; Regional and Continental Levels: 126.

Total Current Representation at the Member State; Regional and Continental Levels: 63.
Total Vacancies: 63.

Out of 126 expected representation at Member State, Regional and Continental Levels, there 63 there Representatives and 63 vacancies. Representation is 50% of expected capacity.

Entitled Representation per ECOSOCC Constitution at Diaspora Level: 20

Representation of Contemporary/Continental African Diaspora: Nationals and Members within the Five Regions in Africa: 0

Notes:

The AU defers determination of Membership in a Member State to its 54 Member States. Currently, Member States' Diaspora and Regional Economic Communities' Diaspora policies and outreach cover only Contemporary/Continental African Diaspora Stakeholders.

By virtue of citizenship in Member States, Continental African Diaspora stakeholders are generally eligible for citizenship entitlements, including National and Regional Passports, and the eventual African Passport by 2018 based on the timeline of Agenda 2063.

An increasing number of AU Member States have Diaspora policies and programs under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Some countries have Diaspora Committees at the legislative branch. A best practice at Regional level is ECOWAS and its Diaspora with two Conferences held.

Member States' / Regional engagements of their Diaspora Stakeholders have structural coherence. A growing number are granting Dual Citizenship (latest Zambian Diaspora in January 2016) and Voting Rights (latest Kenyan Diaspora voting in 2017.) It is feasible to understand and base methods of representation on the legal and political context of Continental Africa Diaspora.

The AU Executive Council is yet to determine how non-citizens and how people of African descent living outside Africa and not members of any of the Five Regions of the African Union can be legal representatives of the African Union's organs and vote in the processes. The Constitution has not been amended and ratified to provide clear guidance.

The recent clarification that Haiti is not a Member State of the AU but has an "Observer Status" adds to the uncertainty. ECOSOCC Constitution has provision for "Observer Status." Therefore, the legal and political context for the creation of the Sixth Region for all people of African descent living outside Africa, which will cover Historical Diaspora, needs to be determined by the AU.

Historical Diaspora from Caribbean Nations can elect to participate in the Diaspora policies by their governments. Some of the policies, such as Remittances, Skills Transfer, Investments to build their nations and region, are similar to the AU Diaspora Legacy Programs.

Therefore, informed understanding and targeted policies for the three distinguishable groups of Continental African and Historical Diasporas will enable the African Union to make sound policies in alignment with Member States Diaspora Policies; provisions for Historical Diaspora where legally and structurally feasible, and other diplomatic relations with the Caribbean nations since they also have Diaspora programs that are similar or identical to the African Union outreach but with different targeted results from their stakeholders.

Entitled Representation Per ECOSOCC Constitution at Ex-Officio capacity, nominated by the Commission based on special considerations, in consultation with Member States: 6

Representation: 0

Vacancy: 6

Note: There is no indication of Representation in the current Membership of the ECOSOC Second General Assembly.

ECOSOCC representation.JPG


Out of 152 required representation at the ECOSOCC General Assembly, there are 63 Representatives and 89 vacancies. Representation is 41%. ECOSOCC Representation is under-presented by 59%.



How AU's lack of Coherence, Targeted Policies and Practical Focus to engage Continental African Diaspora results in missed Annual Billions of Dollars while AU depends on aid.

The African Union Diaspora Legacy Programs' Cash Cow and Cash Inflow.
African Institute of Remittances (AIR) and Diaspora Sovereign Bonds.

The AU and organs have spent considerable time and effort, mostly with foreign donors/partners, on the implementation of AIR.

According to the AU, remittances are now a bigger source of Africa's capital inflows compared to Foreign Direct Investment or Overseas Development Assistance. The funds provide safety nets for families and keep poorer nations from collapsing into social and financial abyss. The focus of the article goes beyond the monies to families and friends to the potential revenues from reduced fees of sending the money. The revenues can be used for poverty reduction programs in Africa and other sustainable developments. The benefits, then, of using AIR, managed and owned by Africans, cannot be negated or opposed by non-mischief making and non-conflict of interest Africans.

The International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) estimates that, on a country-by-country average, remittances represent 5 per cent of GDP. If one looks at the percentage of a country's GDP that is generated by Diaspora remittance, the poorest and relatively smaller countries show the highest dependence on foreign transfers, for examples: Eritrea (38%), Cape Verde (34%), Liberia (26%) and Burundi (23%). Somalia receives approximately $1 billion worth of diaspora transfers every year but it is not listed on percentage terms because its GDP is unclear.

Zimbabwean Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa, in his 2016 National Budget, projected that Diasporan remittances would contribute about $960 million in the fiscal year, adding that a National Diaspora Policy was in the offing. "Zimbabweans are all over the world and they have been playing a sterling role in ensuring the economy does not collapse through their remittances which are almost $1 billion, which is 25% of the $4 billion 2016 National Budget announced'' Minister Chinamasa said.

Researchers admitted that the record of $62 billion US dollars in 2013 is a conservative estimate and maybe half the amount since not all sources of sending money was factored in.

Adams Bodomo, a Hong-Kong based Ghanaian academic researching remittances, indicated that about 75% of all transfers are informal and, therefore, impossible to track. "If we add all that [informal transfers] in, the diaspora remittances would be bigger by a factor" bringing the actual figure anywhere between $120 billion and 160 billion.

The cost of sending money to Africa range from 5-12%. If a very low estimate of 2% - 3% is used on $100 billion annual remittances, that is 2-3 billion dollars to the AU to financing much needed developments.

However, after more than four years, the curious or lamentable dimensions to AIR are that Contemporary/Continental African Diaspora Stakeholders, on whom the sustainability of AIR depends, remain largely clueless while old and new businesses are engaging Contemporary/Continental African Diaspora to send remittances using their services.

This month, a headline blared, Ghanaian diaspora embrace MTN Mobile Money sending with WorldRemit. World Remit was established in 2010. USAID and Western Union partner on another Diaspora program, posing a conflict with AIR since Western Union competes in maintaining and expanding its market niche and growth with the Continental African Diaspora.


In 2014, at a meeting titled, " African Institute for Remittances (AIR) Project Bank Executed Trust Fund (BETF - TF071207) and based on the Minutes of the 5 th Conference of AU Ministers of Finance (CAMF) 21 st - 28 th March 2012, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the followings items were noted in points 13 and 15.
13: While the top priority should remain the reduction of remittance costs, the following priority areas were also suggested: the impact of remittances on M/S' balance of payments; financial sector development (including the financing of rural development); the establishment of a Continental database; Continental advocacy; Diaspora involvement, intra-Africa vs. outgoing remittances; remittances in-kind; intra-operability; the AIR mandate/legitimacy to work on the remittances (as it is actually individual's money); dual nationality; existing best practices; infrastructure building and involvement of the RECs. Beyond AIR, the aforementioned areas should also be addressed within Africa's development agenda.

15: The international issue of African remittances warrants an exclusive focus by an African-led, African-owned and Africa-based institute with a sole focus on this matter.
At the 24 th Ordinary Session of AU January 2014, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Kenya's offer to host AIR was adopted by the AU. On October 22, 2015, Dr Mustapha S. Kaloko, the AUC Commissioner for Social Affairs AUC, hosted the flag hoisting ceremony to launch the Operationalization of AIR in Nairobi, Kenya. Mr Amadou Cisse is AIR's Interim Executive Director of AIR.

Based on a random survey of 521 stakeholders after the AU ECOSOCC Global Africa Diaspora Stakeholder Convention on Nov. 19-22, only 8% had an idea of the purpose of AIR and 15% were misinformed by generated controversies. The rest of the respondents were clueless.

Will it not make good sense for the AU and AIR officials to start engaging those whose monies will make AIR functional? The ECOSOCC Social and Economic Affairs Cluster have valuable roles to play in the domestic mobilizing of the resources by engaging Continental Africa Diaspora.

Each delay means billions are lost in potential revenues.

Engaging Continental African Diaspora also improves another outlet for cash-strapped Africa to gain access to financing from their Diaspora nationals. The alternative financing has been successfully tried and tested by two countries with industrious diaspora populations, Israel and India. Both nations demonstrated significant success issuing Diaspora bonds and raised $32 billion and $11.3 billion respectively.

Diaspora bonds are a form of government debt that targets members of the national community abroad, tapping into a sovereign capital market beyond international investors, foreign direct investment, or foreign loans. It is an attractive source of financing for long-term projects and alleviation of poverty. The success of banking on the "patriotic" Diaspora, when investors are often not keen to accept returns lower than they might get on the open market and the compromising conditions of foreign loans, is a unique feature of the Diaspora Bond.

However, Member States would be presumptuous and mistaken to expect automatic embrace without meaningful changes in the way they relate to the Continental African Diaspora populations whose members are counted on to buy the bonds.

In recent years, a number of Member States have issued Diaspora Bonds with limited success, most notably Kenya and Ethiopia. Major drawbacks are the lack of awareness and reciprocal relationships. Nigeria just increased the level of the Diaspora Bond.

Another suggestion to increase results and overcome hesitancy to individual government is through Diaspora bonds at the Regional levels with Member States pooling their efforts and launching Diaspora Bonds through an African-led institution.

Invariably, for success to happen and to be sustained, effective working relations with Continental African Diaspora, representation at the AU ECOSOCC, collaboration with the pertinent Clusters and Regional Representatives can be instrumental in improving awareness of the products and reducing barriers to outcomes.