Will there be an African Diaspora regional headquarters for the African Union 6th Region? Upcoming Pan African Congress to make a proposal

Towards an AU 6th Region Headquarters

From April 14 to the 17th 2023, the government of Zimbabwe will be hosting the “8th Pan African Congress Part 1”. One of the main Agenda items is establishing the AU 6th Region Headquarters. Naturally, this headquarters would be established outside the continent of Africa somewhere in the AU 6th Region. The Planning Committee would like your suggestions on where the headquarters should be located (note: the headquarters must be located somewhere within the 6th Region - that means OUTSIDE the African Continent following the model of the other five regions which have their headquarters within their respective regions). Please take a moment to answer the following questionaire.

African Diaspora Ambassadors for the African Union 6th Region: Upcoming Pan African Congress to Make Proposal

AU Permanent Representatives Committee Retreat, June 8-11, 2023. Where are the 6th Region Ambassadors????

TOWARDS AU 6th Region REPRESENTATION

Later this year, the government of Zimbabwe will be hosting the “8th Pan African Congress Part 1”. One of the main Agenda items is establishing the AU 6th Region on par with the other five regions of Africa.

The member states of the African Union (AU) are divided into five geographic regions of the African Union.

*South Sudan is also in the East Region

On February 4, 2003, the AU General Assembly amended the Constitutive Act of the AU with Article 3(q) to “invite and encourage the full participation of the African Diaspora as an important part of our Continent, in the building of the African Union.” In January 2008, the Executive Council suggested that the African diaspora be treated as Africa’s sixth region and its participation in the AU’s organs and activities be strengthened (EX.CL/Dec.406(XII)). The Assembly has recognised the diaspora as a substantive entity contributing to the economic and social development of the continent and has invited its representatives as observers to Assembly sessions (see Assembly/AU/Res.1(XVIII) of January 2012).

The African diaspora, which includes people of African descent living outside of the African continent, such as the Americas, Australia, Asia, and Europe, has been officially recognized by the AU as its sixth region. The agenda for Zimbabwe includes formally establishing the AU 6th Region and brining it to the level of participation in AU organs as the other five regions have done. A next step is proposing that the AU provide formal representation in all AU organs starting with alloting 10 to 15 Ambassador positions in the Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC).

WHAT IS THE PRC?

The Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC) is one of the three main bodies in the African Union, similar to how the United States has the Exexutive, Judicial and Legislative branches consisting of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The PRC is like the House of Representatives and is charged with preparing the work of the Executive Council. The PRC is composed of Permanent Representatives and other plenipotentiaries of Member States. Since the AU 6th Region, unlike the other five regions, does not consist of AU Member States, it cannot have “Permanent Representatives”. That is why the agenda for the 8th PAC Part 1 is proposing that the AU6th Region be represented by “Ambassadors”.

According to the African Union Handbook (2022),

“The Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC) conducts the day-to-day business of the African Union (AU) on behalf of the Assembly and Executive Council. It reports to the Executive Council, prepares the Executive Council’s work and acts on its instructions(under article 21 of the Constitutive Act). All AU Member States are members of the PRC.

Rule 4 of the PRC Rules of Procedure specifies that its powers and functions include to:

• Act as an advisory body to the AU Executive Council

• Prepare its Rules of Procedure and submit them to the Executive Council

• Prepare Executive Council meetings, including the agenda and draft decisions

• Make recommendations on areas of common interest to Member States, particularly on issues on the Executive Council agenda

• Facilitate communication between the African Union Commission (AUC) and Member States’ capitals

• Consider the AU’s programme and budget as well as the Commission’s administrative, budgetary and financial matters, and make recommendations to the Executive Council

• Consider the Commission’s financial report and make recommendations to the Executive Council

• Consider the Board of External Auditors’ report and submit written comments to the Executive Council

• Consider reports on the implementation of the budget of the Union

• Propose the composition of AU organ bureaus, ad hoc committees and sub-committees

• Consider matters relating to the AU’s programmes and projects, particularly issues relating to the socio-economic development and integration of the continent, and make recommendations to the Executive Council

• Consider reports on the implementation of the policies, decisions and agreements adopted by the Executive Council

• Participate in the preparation of the AU programme of activities and calendar of meetings; consider any matter assigned to it by the Executive Council; and carry out any other functions that may be assigned to it by the Executive Council.

Rule 4 also provides that the PRC may set up ad hoc committees and temporary working groups as it deems necessary, including sub-committees.

In October 2020, the Executive Council adopted amendments to the PRC Rules of Procedure, to align them with institutional reform (see EX.CL/Dec.1099(XXXVII) of October 2020 and Ext/Assembly/AU/Dec.1(XI) of November 2018).

Structure

All Member States are represented on the PRC at the level of Permanent Representative. Similar to the Assembly and Executive Council, the PRC Bureau consists of a chairperson, three vice chairpersons and a rapporteur. The Bureau positions are held by the same states that form the Assembly and Executive Council bureaus. Office holders serve for one year (usually January to January). In addition to the official Bureau, a larger informal bureau of 15 Member States traditionally convenes to support arrangements for the Assembly Summit sessions.

At the PRC level, the five regional groups are informal discussion structures, chaired by the longest-serving representative, who acts as the Dean.

Permanent Representatives Committee Meetings

The PRC usually meets at AU Headquarters at least once a week and holds an ordinary session two times a year. It may also hold extraordinary sessions. The quorum is two-thirds of the total membership of the Union (Rules of Procedure, rule 6). The agenda for each session is drawn up by the Chairperson in consultation with the PRC Bureau and the AUC. Sessions are closed, except when the PRC decides otherwise (by simple majority).

The AU Executive Council decided in June 2018 that from 2019, the PRC would hold its sessions in time for it to adopt its reports at least two weeks prior to the start of the ordinary sessions of the Executive Council (EX.CL/Dec.1030(XXXIII)).

The PRC takes all its decisions by consensus or, failing that, by a two-thirds majority of Member States eligible to vote (Rules of Procedure, rule 13). Questions of procedure, and whether a question is one of procedure or not, require a simple majority of Member States eligible to vote. PRC meetings are governed by rules 5–9 of the Rules of Procedure and decision-taking by rule 13.”

Who will be the AU6th Region Ambassadors to the PRC? How will they be selected, elected or appointed?

While the first step is to simply propose the motion for adoption by the AU General Assembly, such an action behooves us to ask the question, who will be the AU 6th Region Ambassadors to the PRC and how will they be selected, elected or appointed? Is this going to be a people centered and democratic bottom-up process or is it going to be a top down, authoritatice state-led process? Additionally, this proposal then raises the question: how or why is this any different than the original instruction from the AU back in 2003 that the African Diaspora should organize itself and elect twenty (20) representatives to the AU Economic, Social, and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC), an effort that has been frought with rejections by the African to accept the AU 6th Region election process? What’s different now? Why not insist on the original 20 ECOSOCC Representatives AND the 10 to 15 PRC Ambassadors now being proposed?

According to H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, ECOSOCC is just an advisory organ that allows civil society imput into the AU. Including the diaspora was a token gesture in the early stages of the AU to give substance, however small, to the Article 3(q) amendment inviting and encouraging “the full participation of the African Diaspora as an important part of our Continent, in the building of the African Union.” The PRC is much more than an advisory organ and has real power to influence AU activity.

The congress agenda committee would like your input on this. Please take a few minutes to complete this questionaire.

Upcoming Pan African Congress in Harare, Zimbabwe Will Propose a Comprehensive African Union Citizenship Policy for the African Diaspora

Towards a Comprehensive African Diaspora Citizenship Policy

From April 14 to the 17th 2023, the government of Zimbabwe will be hosting the “8th Pan African Congress Part 1”. One of the main Agenda items is the establishment of a continental pathway to citizenship for the descendants of the formerly enslaved. Below are the different pathways being proposed. Please take a moment to make comments on each.

Also, take a moment to read Defining the Afro Descendants' Right to Return (RTR) to their Ancestral Homelands on the African Continent.

If you have repatriated to the motherland, please share your testimony. Describe the process for obtaining visa/residence permit/work permit/citizenship/establishing your business. Was the process smooth or a nightmare? How were you treated? What specific recommendations do you have for the African Union member states?

Call for Inputs for United Nations Visit to the United States of America 24 April – 5 May 2023

UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER

(please distribute widely)

Purpose To Collect information in preparation for the Expert Mechanism's visit to the United States of America scheduled to take place 24 April – 5 May 2023

Background

The mandate of the Expert Mechanism is detailed in resolution 47/21. The Expert Mechanism is mandated under paragraph 11 of the resolution to advance racial justice and equality in the context of law enforcement in all parts of the world by, inter alia conducting country visits, inclusive outreach, and consultations with States, directly affected individuals and communities, and other stakeholders, and taking into account an intersectional approach. The Expert Mechanism is comprised of three members- Justice Yvonne Mokgoro, Dr. Tracie Keesee, and Professor Juan Méndez.

Learn more about the Expert Mechanism here

During the mission, the Expert Mechanism will meet national stakeholders, including government officials including law enforcement authorities, civil society organisations, United Nations representatives, academics, lawyers, and victims. The Expert Mechanism will also conduct site visits and spend time outside the capital city to better understand the issues faced by Africans and people of African Descent in the country.

The Expert Mechanism will offer recommendations to support the Government's efforts in combatting structural and institutional racism, the excessive use of force, and other human rights violations by law enforcement and the criminal justice system against Africans and people of African descent. The Expert Mechanism will present a mission report with its findings and recommendations.

Objectives

The Expert Mechanism seeks to understand the USA’s efforts in combatting structural and institutional racism, the excessive use of force, and other human rights violations by law enforcement against Africans and people of African descent, in the spirit of cooperation and dialogue.

During the visit, the Expert Mechanism will study:

  • Systemic racism as a root cause of excessive use of force and other human rights violations by law enforcement against Africans and people of African descent.

  • Access to justice, accountability, and redress for excessive use of force and other human rights violations by law enforcement officials against Africans and people of African descent.

  • Alignment of domestic laws, policies, and practices on the use of force by law enforcement officials with international human rights norms and standards.

  • Alignment of domestic laws, policies, and practices in the criminal justice system with international human rights norms and standards

  • Good practices and lessons learned related to laws, policies and practices on racial justice and equality in the context of law enforcement and the justice system.

Key questions and types of input/comments sought

The Expert Mechanism would like to invite all interested individuals and organizations, including Africans and people of African descent, representatives of civil society organisations, experts, lawyers, and academics to send inputs ahead of their visit, such as:

  • Recent analytical reports or surveys on Africans and People of African descent examining structural and institutional racism, excessive use of force, and other human rights violations by law enforcement and the criminal justice system against them in the USA.

  • Information on the policies, programmes, practices, and legal framework concerning law enforcement, the criminal justice system and Africans and People of African descent in the USA.

  • Information on emblematic cases concerning Africans and people of African descent and their interaction with law enforcement or the criminal justice system including any judicial action, accountability and reparation measures taken in the USA.

  • Priority issues concerns and situations that warrant the Expert Mechanism's attention in the USA.

  • Suggestions on issues to examine and related places to visit in the USA.

  • Suggestions on government officials and civil society actors to meet in different regions in the USA

How inputs will be used

Submission will remain confidential. They will be considered during the country visit and will be considered for the Expert Mechanism’s report on the country visit.

Online Input Form

(For downloadable Microsoft Word version click here)

Online submissions will be forwarded to

ohchr-emler@un.org

Balanta Society in America President Siphiwe Baleka Discusses the Durban Declaration at Forum on the 7th National Day of Racial Healing

Janaury 17, 2023 - Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America President Siphiwe Baleka joined Reconciliation Minister and NCOBRA Health Commission member, Prophet Anyanwu Cox, Executive Director for the Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) Central States in North Newton, KS and reparatory justice advocate and World Conference Against Racism delegate Michele Armster, and African Reparations Minister and Ambassador from Trinidada & Tobago, Reverend Kwame Kamau for a spectacular discussion on human rights and the Durban Declaration in the context of racial healing. The event was organized by Queenmother Nina Womack, Founder of Let’s Be Whole. The National Day of Racial Healing was created by the W.K. Kellog Foundation on January 17, 2017.

WATCH THE FORUM DISCUSSION HERE

Peanuts, Cashews, Mono-Mercantilism, and Soil Erosion in Guinea Bissau: Amilcar Cabral and George Washington Carver

Guinea: Phases of Portuguese Activity by Amilcar Cabral

From a declaration made by the Secretary-General of the PAIGC to the UN's Special Committee On Territories Under Portuguese Administration, June 1962. Translated from French.

“It is necessary to emphasize that the economic activity of the Portuguese in Guinea has been for over 500 years, and still is today, almost exclusively commercial. In its development one may distinguish the following phases:

(1) Portuguese monopoly of commerce (especially that of slaves), at first only sent to European donatorios (plantation owners) on the Cape Verde Islands (up to 1530).

(2) Competition from other foreign countries. Settlement by Portuguese tradesmen. Rise of large Atlantic slaving companies which monopolize commerce (1530-1840).

(3) Gradual abolition of the slave trade. Development of research in local products (peanuts). End of the Portuguese monopoly in favor of German and French enterprises (mainly 1840/80-1932).

(4) Portuguese monopoly of commerce, especially of the export trade and shipping. Decrease of non-Portuguese enterprises, concentration of Portuguese monopoly in a handful of enterprises (since 1932).

There is a constant feature characteristic of all these phases: a redemptive mode of economy, strongly, mono-mercantile. At the beginning, slaves.

Today, peanuts.

Herein we relate certain facts which concern the post-slave trade period, up to the establishment of the present political regime. The gradual, eventually definitive abolition of the slave trade upset and disorganized both the economy of 'Portuguese' Guinea and that of the metropole itself. This fact had important consequences for the political evolution of Portugal.

To resolve these problems, the Portuguese tried other forms of commerce and exploitation by developing above all the redemption of local products or those of neighboring areas, which were exported through the port of Bissau. For this reason, they began the penetration of the interior of the country, where they established trading-posts (factories).

The research on peanuts, begun in Senegal in 1840, helped the economic development of the colony. Small farmers (ponteiros} and non-indigenous merchants stimulated or forced the cultivation of peanuts by the indigenous population. In Bolama and on the shores of the Great River of Buba the peanut cycle had its beginnings and numerous trading-posts were established in these areas. Portuguese capitalism, scarcely existent, could not, however, compete with non-Portuguese capital which attempted (successfully) to penetrate Africa by every possible means. After the Berlin Conference which brought about the first great partition of the Continent, non-Portuguese enterprises, which had already succeeded in establishing themselves in 'Portuguese' Guinea, monopolized both the internal and external commerce of the country. This was part of the tribute that Portuguese colonialism had to pay to foreign capital in order to maintain its 'presence' in Africa.

Thus, in 1927 again more than 70% of the exports from 'Portuguese' Guinea were directed to non-Portuguese ports (particularly those of France and Germany), from which an equal proportion of imported merchandise came. We may say that since the end of the last century until the 1930s, 'Portuguese' Guinea was a non-Portuguese colony, administered and defended by the Portuguese.

The development of the peanut crop, which occurred mainly at the beginning of this century, opened up the way to soil erosion in 'Portuguese' Guinea, deeply disturbed the lives of the African peoples, to whom it brought the economic, political and social consequences which characterize the present Portuguese rule. Voluntary in the beginning, the result of prodding, it became the chief preoccupation of the administration and thus came in effect to be a mandatory form of cultivation for the rural Africans.

Defeated by the force of arms, the active resistance of the populations to Portuguese penetration and occupation, the development of a peanut monoculture, along with various subsidiary products (such as palm oil, rubber, leather, etc.) - in a redemptive mode - became the basis of 'Portuguese' Guinea's economy and the determining factor in the political situation of its people within the structure of the Portuguese colonial empire. 

It is fitting to emphasize that even the transfer of the capital from Bolama to Bissau had for its principal cause the erosion of the soil on Bolama Island and Buba Region, with the consequent displacement of the peanut cycle on to Bissau Island and the central areas of the country. 

The colonialist-nationalism which, in Portugal, brought the present regime to power, did not undo this situation. Quite the contrary, it did every possible thing to reinforce it, for the exclusive advantage of Portuguese interests.

By establishing discriminatory tariffs to protect commerce between the colonies and Portugal, and by guaranteeing to Portuguese ships, among other things, a monopoly of maritime transport between Portugal and the colonies, the present regime laid the basis for the return of the Portuguese monopoly of commerce in Guinea (Art. 228 - 230 in the Organic Charter of the Portuguese Colonial Empire).

One began to export raw materials exclusively from 'Portuguese' Guinea to Portugal. Unable to make profit, the non-Portuguese commercial enterprises began to leave the country. Peanuts, just as other products of 'Portuguese' Guinea, upon export to Portugal were re-exported to other countries to the profit of Portuguese merchants and to the detriment of the Guinean producer, since the price on the Portuguese market was inferior to that of the world market.

With the eventual development of the peanut-oil industry in Portugal nothing changed in this situation. On the contrary, the increased demands from Portuguese capital (financial, industrial and commercial) imposed new sacrifices on to the Guinean producer now forced to cultivate peanuts and to sell it at prices fixed by the colonial administration.”

So here we see that since the coming of Europeans to Guinea Bissau, the economy was first dominated by kidnapping and selling people into slavery and then shifted to mono-mercantilism of peanuts for the benefit of Europeans. It was an extractive economy - taking the natural wealth of the land of Guine out to Europe through the coerced and forced low paid labour of the people of Guine. This resulted in soil erosion and the political and economic dominance of the Europeans. What was needed then, and is still needed today, is the transformation of the mono-cropping extractive agro-mercantile system of peanuts (back then and of cashews today) into sustainable agro-ecological agro-mercantile system that is non-extractive and benefits the people of Guinea Bissau. This was similar to the same problem that faced the American South in the early part of the twentieth century.

Consider that in my presentation to the New Afrikan Though Conference in Yaounde, Cameroon in November 2022, I made the startling statement, 

“In 1864, George Washington Carver was born into slavery in the United States. He had the ability to talk to plants. This ability allowed Mr. Carver to pioneer agricultural science and revolutionize the economy in the American South. When asked about how he was able to create more than 300 different products from the peanut, Dr. Carver said, “I talk to the little peanut and it reveals its secrets to me.” Few people today remember the fame and impact Dr. Carver had on American society. But here we have solid ground that mysticism can be the basis of agricultural science and economic transformation. Imagine a cadre of young people who can solve Africa’s agricultural and forestry and fishery and housing problems by talking to the environment and getting answers directly from it without the use of books and professors . . .“

One man taught the former slaves in the American South how to make 300 different products from the peanut! Imagine if one man with Dr. Carver’s abilities was in Guinea Bissau!

In my presentation, I further noted,

“He pursued an education in agriculture at Iowa Agricultural College, where he encountered a stellar faculty of ‘scientific agriculture’ professors, including two future U.S. secretaries of agriculture, James Wilson and Henry C. Wallace. This was a practical decision: southern blacks could not paint their way out of poverty.

“Carver made quite an impression on the Iowa Agricultural College faculty. His long-nurtured interest in plants had helped him to develop an ability to raise, cross-fertilize, and graft them with uncanny success. His professors were convinced that he had a promising future as a botanist and persuaded him to stay on as a graduate student after he finished his senior year. He was assigned to work as an assistant to Professor Louis H. Pammel, a noted mycologist, later described by Carver as ‘the one who helped and inspired me to do original work more than anyone else.’ Under Pammel’s tutelage, Carver refined his skills of identifying and treating plant diseases. . . . 

Carver was in the last year of his stay at Iowa Agricultural College when Booker T. Washington gave his famous Atlanta Exposition speech (1895). That speech was Washington’s clearest expression of a long-held philosophy: that southern blacks needed to accommodate themselves to the reality of white control and win first their economic independence through vocational training and the ancient virtues of hard work and thrift. As a means to that end, Washington accepted a position as the first president of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama in 1881. By 1896, he had persuaded the board of trustees to establish an agricultural school. Carver, the only black man in the country who had graduate training in ‘scientific agriculture,’ was the logical choice for the Tuskegee leader, who wanted to keep his faculty all black.

So it was that late in 1896, Georege Washington Carver traveled to the struggling Tuskegee Institute, where he promised Booker T. Washington he would make grass grow green in the Alabama clay. . . . He would combine the creativity of the artist with the rationality of the scientist to do what had never been done. . . .”

According to Glenn Clark, author of The Man Who Talks With The Flowers,

“I found myself in an auto driving toward the Mecca of my dreams, Tuskegee, where the old black man wove his fairy land of magic. ‘You see,’ said Jim, pointing across the flat plains we were riding through,

‘that all this land was once planted in cotton. Dr. Carver saw quickly after he came down to Tuskegee that single crop cotton was wearing out the rich Alabama soils, and impoverishing the debt-burdened sharecropper. He wrote farming bulletins and made speeches urging farmers to grow crops in rotation. He discovered that the sweet potato and the peanut were crops which this soil brought forth in greatest abundance. He preached the gospel of rotating cotton crops with peanut and sweet potato crops. But when the farmers followed his advice in large numbers they discovered they were producing more peanuts and sweet potatoes than the market could absorb. So in solving one problem he had created another. Here was a real problem to face. He didn’t tackle it by asking the government to give federal aid nor did he demand that it restrict planting. He tackled it in the chemical laboratory and licked it there. He discovered 300 new uses for the peanut and 150 new uses for the sweet potato and before he was through he had rebuilt the agriculture of the South. Edison offered him an immense salary for him to come and help him, but he declined. A few years later he declined another offer from a firm for $100,000 so as to give himself wholeheartedly to the saving of the farmers of the South. Today he accepts no salary, and wears an old black suit he bought for about $2.00; but you will find that he always wears a flower in his buttonhole.

Perhaps the most dramatic episode of Dr. Carver’s life was when he went to Washington. When the Ways and Means Committee of the United States Senate were holding hearings on the Hawley-Smoot Tariff Bill, the southerners were very anxious that they should be included. Among those asked to speak was Dr. Carver. When he got off the train, he stopped one of the porters and asked him directions to the Senate.

‘Sorry, Pop,’ he replied, ‘I ain't got time to tell you now. We’re looking for a great scientist up here from Alabama.’

Dr. Carver was put off till the last of the dozen men to speak. Each had been allotted ten minutes. When he came up in his old coat and home-made necktie the committee broke out laughing. One called out, ‘What do you know about the tariff, old fellow?’ ‘I don’t know much, but I know it’s the thing that shuts the other fellow out.’ They caught the point.

But they certainly didn’t put a ‘tariff’ on Dr. Carver’s talking. For after he had talked the ten minutes allotted to the others they all insisted, yes, begged and pleaded that he go on. For an hour and forty-five minutes he showed them face powder, axle grease, printer’s ink, milk, cream, butter, shampoos, creosote, vinegar, coffee, soaps, salads, wood stains, oil dyes, and so on and on. Needless to say the peanut was included in the tariff.

This wasn’t the only time he was called to Washington. During the World War when soldiers needed most of our wheat supply and we had our meatless, wheatless and sweet-less days, the government tried to find a substitute for wheat. Meanwhile at Tuskegee Institute they were saving 200 pounds of wheat flour a day by using sweet potato flour with wheat flour and even, by Dr. Carver’s own admission, ‘making a better load than before.’ Again the U.S. government sent for Dr. Carver to come to Washington, this time not with peanuts, but with a sweet potato exhibit. He simply amazed the experts who had gathered to confer with him. It was after the conference that Dr. David Fairchild, agricultural explorer in charge of the United States Department of Agriculture and world famous scientist, spoke of Dr. Carver as ‘one of the most remarkable and extraordinary minds I ever met.’”

Upon reaching Tuskegee and Dr. Carver, Clark writes,

“Here is what I call God’s Little Workshop,” said Dr. Carver, and the next moment we had entered the sacred precinct of his place of miracles. ‘No books are ever brought in here,’ he went on, ‘and what is the need of books? Here I talk to the little peanut and it reveals its secrets to me. . . . Here I talk to the peanut and the sweet potato and the clays of the hills, and they talk back to me. Here great wonders are brought forth.And he pointed to an array of bottles containing specimens of the three hundred uses for the peanut - no, three hundred and one, for this morning he had discovered a new one. . . . And up there along the walls are the clays,’ he added. ‘Again there is no need for books.’”

Dr. Carver testified to having the power of remote visioning as well as the power to communicate with the supreme intelligence in the external environment through extra sensory perception. As a result of these powers, he becme the Negro Master of Agricultural Science, rebulit the agriculture and economy of the American South, became a saviour to the United States government, and was recognized by all for having a “most remarkable and extraordinary mind.” 

Dr. Carver accomplished all this in the most racist country on earth during an era of Jim Crowism and lynchings. We can imagine, then, the impact that just one man or woman with the same powers of remote viewing and extra sensory perception, the ability to communicate with ancestors and the supreme intelligence both within and without the body, could have on transforming Guinea Bissau’s agriculture, economy and all other aspects as well.

Where will such a gifted person come from? How will Guinea Bissau produce its own “Dr. George Washington Carver”?

GUINE BISSAU’S CASHEW MONO-MERCANTILE SYSTEM

The leaders of Guinea Bissau today have not listened to Amilcar Cabral and have failed to learn the lesson. One need only look at today’s cashew mono-mercantile system in Guinea Bissau.

The cashew tree, A. occidentale, of the Anacardiaceae family, is an evergreen tree growing to a height of 8-20 m depending on soil characteristics and climate. It normally starts flowering by the third year, attaining full production by the eighth year. The period of full production can last up to 20-30 years and the lifespan of the tree is variable. The nut, which is the true fruit, is a kidney-shaped achene that does not split open after drying. Inside the shell, which contains corrosive oil, is a large curved 2-3 cm seed, the edible cashew nut. As the nut matures, the peduncle at the base enlarges into a fleshy, bell-shaped, fruitlike structure, popularly known as the false fruit or cashew apple. This thin-skinned edible false fruit has yellow spongy and juicy flesh, which is pleasantly acidic and slightly astringent when eaten raw, but highly astringent when green (Behrens, 1996).

The cashew tree grows at altitudes of up to 1000m, in mean annual temperatures ranging from 17-38 ºC, and does not tolerate frost. Distribution of rainfall is more important than the amount, and the tree grows in a range of 500-3500 mm of rainfall. This crop is able to adapt to very dry conditions, as long as its extensive root system has access to soil moisture. It prefers deep and fertile sandy soils but will grow well on most soils except pure clays or soils that are otherwise impermeable, poorly drained or subject to periodic flooding. It fruits well if rains are not abundant during flowering and if the nuts mature during the dry period. With this generic classification, and disregarding the edaphic constraints, all territory in Guinea-Bissau is suitable for cashew cultivation, although a tuned ecological and land capability zoning remains to be established in the country.

Following the rainy season which begins in late May and ends in early November, the cashew trees absorb the soil’s nutrients. In January and February, the trees bloom after which the blossoms turn into the cashew fruit that is harvested between April and June.

The cashew tree was introduced into Guinea-Bissau by the Portuguese in the XIXth century and during the early XXth century and was mainly used in local farmers’ home gardens. Cashew cultivation had a first organized impulse under the instigation of Governor Sarmento Rodrigues (1945-1949), who promoted its expansion. By the mid-1950s, nut production was estimated to reach 300-400 tons per year. The potential value of the cashew tree, its hardiness and the possibility for use in intercropping or as a kind of cover for long fallow periods in order to recover soil fertility, has been suggested as a priority for research and experimentation. As a consequence, the Overseas Agronomic Research Mission (MEAU) designed the Cashew Development Plan in Portuguese Guinea. The plan was developed under an integrated value chain perspective, considered necessary for the development of the territory and its people. Thus, to fulfill its objectives, during the 1960s MEAU set up a multi-disciplinary six year research project. Given the tree’s rusticity, MEAU promoted cashew cultivation in soils depleted by other crops such as maize, upland rice or groundnuts, as well as by fire (Sardinha). As a result of such research that emphasized the financial comparative advantage of cashew crops, production skyrocketed.

Guinea Bissau is now the second-largest cashew producer in West Africa and in the top five globally. An estimated 223,000 hectares are under cashew cultivation. Today, about 85% of the population depends on cashew farming.

The 2016 Report of the World Bank Macroeconomic and Fiscal Management (MEM) Practice Notes for Guinea Bissau,    

“From a macroeconomic perspective, Guinea Bissau faces two major challenges: low productivity and high vulnerability. Apart from a history of fragility which has been underlying Guinea-Bissau’s stop-and-go character of development, structural economic challenges keep the country from growing at a faster pace that would enable progress toward reducing the high levels of poverty. The dominant cashew sector at least partly lies at the heart of the structural challenges. Whilst export volumes have increased, deteriorating Terms of Trade—especially with respect to rice for which cashew is bartered—have been undermining incomes, domestic savings, and in turn investment. This at least partly explains low productivity levels and the structural slack in the economy. It leaves the country dependent on international aid which is volatile and aggravates the effect of military coups through plummeting public investment—especially given the low levels of domestic revenue. Both Terms of Trade shocks and political shocks are thus amongst the most important sources of vulnerability for Guinea-Bissau’s economy.

Investments to make the cashew sector more productive, but especially to diversify the economy, will be crucial for Guinea-Bissau. The country requires both more jobs and more productive jobs. This is especially true given expected pressures on the labor market from demographic change. Whilst there is room to improve the productivity of the cashew sector, for example by moving into processing rather than raw exports (see 2015 CEM), many of these new jobs will have to be located in other activities. The 2015 CEM and the latest national development plan identify rice, fisheries, tourism, and even mining as potential areas to add productive jobs. The production of groundnuts or sesame are other alternatives. Switching into these areas can not only raise productivity but also diversify the economy, reducing its vulnerability to the cashew price. Attracting FDI by improving the business climate can reduce the country’s dependence on donors for investment and generate knowledge spillovers that can help with the country’s economic transformation.”

A 2015 report stated,

“According to the Minister of Economy and Finance, ‘The cashew campaign is the main source of income of our farmers and the main export commodity of Guinea-Bissau, and about 90 percent of our exports are cashew nuts, a tremendous weighting in our GDP.’

‘In 2015 about 175,000 tons of cashew were exported and this year, we expect to export 180 000 tons, probably a little more given the good prospects for this year's campaign,’ Geraldo Martins explained.

Due to the importance of cashew to the national economy the government in its development strategy focuses on the work of its entire chain, since its production, marketing to export.

‘If all the annual production was transformed locally before export of the finished product, certainly the gain would be much more important, because it would bring added value to the product, given that the price charged for a kilo of raw nuts would not be the same’" he added. 

The main obstacles to the transformation of cashew are the acquisition of raw materials for processing, and the actual price of the raw material, said Josué Gomes de Almeida, Coordinator of the Rehabilitation of Private Sector and Support to Agro-industrial Development Project, funded by the World Bank.

 ‘When the market is good in terms of the price paid to producers, all transformers cry, and when the price is bad for producers, everyone talks about local transformation,’ said Jose Gomes de Almeida, stressing the need for this contradiction to be resolved since ‘in government policy, the fight against poverty must be reflected in rural world where cashew is produced.’

Rui Fonseca, Assistant FAO Programs, recalled that the diversification of agricultural production in the country ‘is important’ and that why his agency will launch ‘a program in partnership with the European Union at the end of April, for cashew improved production quality and also for the development of horticulture.’”

Now consider that Guinea-Bissau: 2022 Article IV Consultation and Third Review under the Staff-Monitored Program highlighted that, 

External current account slightly deteriorated in 2021 despite of a record cashew nut campaign and remittances. Cashew nut exports have increased by 39.9 percent in 2021, compared to 13.2 percent growth of imports, and reduced the trade balance deficit. Workers' remittances reached a historical record level at 7 percent of GDP and contributed to the improvement in the secondary income account. As a result, the current account deficit is estimated to have reached to 3.2 percent of GDP. The August 2021 SDR allocation contributed to closing the external financing gap and enabled the authorities to pay debt service of BOAD —the regional development bank—for 2021 and 2022.

9. The stock of public debt increased slightly despite the improvement of the fiscal position. The stock of public debt increased by 2.0 percent of GDP in 2021 with an increase in domestic debt corresponding to the SDR allocation on-lent by the BCEAO. . . .

32. Guinea-Bissau is at a high risk of external and overall debt distress. With the reclassification of BOAD, the share of external debt reaches 40.1 percent of GDP (from 26.7 percent in the July 2021 DSA). The risk of external debt distress is high because the indicators based on the debt-service ratios breach their indicative thresholds under the baseline. Overall risk of debt distress is also high because the PV of public debt relative to GDP remains well above its indicative benchmark throughout the projection period (DSA). . . .

41. Output and export diversification would contribute to promote strong and inclusive growth while strengthening Guinea-Bissau's external position. Export diversification declined significantly in the last three decades when cashew nuts production took off which are still exported unprocessed which present 97 percent of total exports with India and Vietnam representing about 80 percent of the exports' market. It mostly replaced rather than added to other production such as rice and groundnuts. The decline in diversification is evident across a range of diversification measures that consider the number of products exported, the number of trading partners, and the relative value of exports in different product codes.”

Thus, despite a record cashew nut campaign and a 39.9% increase in cashew exports, public debt increased even while profits were used to pay debt service to the regional development bank. 

Meanwhile, cashew funds continue to pour in. In February of 2022, O Democrata reported that the National Cashew Agency of Guinea-Bissau made plans to boost the productivity of farms from 300 kg of cashew nuts per hectare to 1,500 kg. The newspaper quoted the head of the agency, Caustar Dafá, as saying another intention is to improve the quality of the cashew nut crop using techniques appropriate for Guinean producers. Mr Dafá said his agency had agreed in January to form a partnership enabling the transfer to Guinea-Bissau from Brazil of technology for machinery for processing cashew nuts. Alanso Fati, President of the National Association of Farmers of Guinea-Bissau, ‘Guinea-Bissau needs to invest more in technology to increase its output of cashew nuts.”

The Hindu Bussiness Line reported that 

“‘Beta Group, the Kerala-based food company, which owns the Nut King brand, will be setting up an industrial unit in the West African country of Guinea-Bissau for cashew business. The company is all set to sign a $100 million MoU with the Government of Guinea-Bissau over a period of five years to procure, process, and export value-added cashew, mainly to the US and China markets,’ said J Rajmohan Pillai, Chairman, Beta Group.”

In October of 2022, China-Lusophone Brief reported,

“Chinese state-owned company Grupo Human Construção e Investimentos has agreed with the authorities of Guinea-Bissau to buy the country´s cashew nuts production and later build cashew processing units. Grupo Human signed two memoranda of understanding with the ministries of Commerce and Energy and Industry of Guinea-Bissau, after four days of market prospecting in the country. Abdu Jaquité, delegate of the Government of Guinea-Bissau to the Permanent Secretariat of Forum Macau for the Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-speaking countries, told RFI that initially the Chinese will buy practically the entire production of cashew nuts.

In a second phase, Hunan plans to build processing units in the country, Jaquité said at the signing of the agreements. “They want to buy, if possible, 250,000 tons, which means practically all agricultural production”, the delegate underlined, adding the Chinese plan includes “to establish a factory for processing cashew nuts right here in Guinea-Bissau”. The Chinese province of Hunan, RFI added, is available to serve as Guinea-Bissau’s gateway to the world’s largest market with around 1.5 billion consumers.”

The question must be asked, in whose interest is all this cashew investment for? Is this any different from the redemptive and extractive mono-mercantilism model that Cabral identified in the 1960’s? Does increased investment in cashew value-added infrastructure address the priority long-term problems of Guinea Bissau? Does it not, in fact, make the people of Guinea Bissau even more dependent on a single crop?

And where do the profits go besides to the development banks? To answer this question, one must understand who owns the land and the farms. In Cashew cultivation in Guinea-Bissau – risks and challenges of the success of a cash crop the authors state, 

“At the end of 1974, marking the end of the colonial era, several hundred hectares of cashew orchards had been planted, but no industrial processing of cashew nuts or apples was carried out. The amount of raw cashew available was still not enough to feed a decortication unit with a capacity considered economically viable at the time. Thus, the impetus for development of cashew gained during the 1960-74 period, was dampened in post-independence. However, some non-governmental organizations and cooperation agencies developed a relevant action using cashew in the context of forest interventions. The use of cashew trees as a cash crop, in forest protection schemes or as a way to recover soil fertility in fallows was stressed. Cashew was considered an important species to be used to restrain deforestation, because of its acceptability by the peasants. “

Here it should be noted that, according to some studies, the rate of deforestation has increased from about 2 percent per year between 1975 and 2000 to 3.9 percent over the 2000 to 2013 period. Overall, Guinea-Bissau lost about 77 percent of its forests between 1975 and 2013; only 180 sq km remain, mainly in the south near the Guinea border. Likewise, woodlands regressed by 35 percent over the 38 years, a loss of 1,750 sq km.

The authors of Cashew cultivation in Guinea-Bissau – risks and challenges of the success of a cash crop continue:

“A semi-manual decortication unit with a capacity of 250 tons per year and a bottling line for cashew apple juice and jams were built on Bolama Island in the late 1970’s with Dutch co-operation. Although this plant has proved to be economically unsustainable, its implementation was a strong boost to cashew cultivation.

By the mid-1980s, two factors gave new impetus to the intensity of planting and trading in the domestic market. The first was a non-organized race for the occupation of land by villagers, as a result of a significant increase in land grants to commercial farmers or "ponteiros" by government authorities. Since 1984, government policy aiming to increase agricultural production initiated large concession grants and, as of 1987, land distribution increased. It was estimated to represent around 300,000 ha out of an estimated agricultural area of 1,100,000 ha and 1,400,000 ha of silvo-pastoral land. These lands, contrary to what happens with traditional farmers, were demarcated and registered in the Land Registration Services of the Ministry of Public Works.

The gaps in the land property law, which overlooked customary rules that grant property rights to those who planted permanent crops, meant that traditional farmers tried to secure land to ensure their access to it. Cashew, due to its hardiness and quick growth, was an obvious choice. The second driving force was the authorities’ initiative to curtail cashew smuggling to Senegal, due to increased internal consumption and the revival of the cashew decortication factory in the Sokone province of that country. An informal barter trading practice was thus put in place, wherein cashew was exchanged for rice at a ratio of one to two, which evolved due to the relative change of the quotations of the two commodities to one to one. More recently, data from a country report for 2013 report a deterioration in the terms of trade, 1kg of rice being exchanged for up to 3 kg of cashew (Cont and Porto, 2014).

Another factor which can help to understand the continuous cashew expansion and consequent decrease in production of staple crops. It is the comparative advantage of cashew in terms of the differential days invested by cultural cycle and added value of the agricultural work invested per day. Since the traditional farmers’ strategy was to optimize work invested in agriculture, we can see a strong drive to shift from traditional agricultural practices to cashew cultivation. . . .

Cropping systems and cultivated varieties

Two main types of cropping systems co-exist in Guinea-Bissau: the peasant and the commercial system, locally known as "ponteiro". The vast majority of cashew orchards are owned by small farmers in villages all over the country. The average smallholder plantation is thought to cover 2-3 hectares, though farmers often have no idea of the size of their planted area.

The process of cashew expansion usually starts in the land closest to the center of villages and expansion follows a centrifugal trend. A piece of fallow land or semi-natural woodland or savanna woodland is prepared by cutting down the woody vegetation, which is burned by the end of the dry season. In the most frequently used system, cashew is intercropped in the first two or three years with food crops (e.g.: rainfed rice, millet, sorghum, maize or groundnuts). Every year a new piece of land can be prepared and sown with cashew and food crops. Cashew trees are sometimes also planted as live fences, despite the fact that their spreading habit makes them unsuitable for close spacing.

Plant spacing is traditionally very close (e.g.: 3-5 m), with roughly defined or even non-existent rows. However, in recent years this trend has begun to change, with greater plant spacing and the use of well-defined rows in the younger cashew orchards. Within the lines the trees are often paired because two seeds are sown per hole with the idea that at least one may survive. Farmers who sow close together often do so following the advice to sow a large number of trees and thin them later, which is a good proposition for rapid establishment of a crop, minimizing costs of weed clearing and avoiding severe development of termite colonies. Unfortunately, many farmers never get around to thinning the trees.

At the level of the small farmer there is no varietal selection and no care is taken in the establishment of orchards. There is also no support dispensed by the very weak structures of agricultural research and extension in the country. These orchards, owned and explored at the family level, are small, rarely exceeding a few hectares and growing with virtually no agro-chemical inputs.

To tackle some of the problems mentioned, in the 1990 decade the Trade and Investment Promotion Project (TIPS) included an extension component that promoted cashew planting seminars around the country, nursery establishment and post-harvest technologies. However, at the end of the project, no ministry took over the continuation and consolidation of the objectives. Therefore, only a minority of farmers had incorporated the knowledge made available.

At the "ponteiro" or commercial system level, a number of plantations are distributed throughout the country, with great heterogeneity in terms of size and care dispensed to the orchards. The orchards owned by small “ponteiros’ are established using a method similar to that of the traditional farmers, with no care for the choice of seeds and close tree spacing. Conversely, in a few agro-industrial farms whose extension surpasses 1000 hectares in some cases, care has been taken in the selection of parent material and in adequate tree spacing. Nevertheless, in both peasant and commercial systems no agro-chemical inputs were used in the cashew orchards. Thus, the Guinean cashew nuts are organic and can fetch a higher price if suitably processed and marketed, and comply with stringent hygiene standards as demanded by international markets. However, this is yet to be fulfilled. . . .

Cashew tree and land ownership

In Guinea-Bissau the land is formally considered state-owned but, as in most of West Africa, consuetudinary land tenure practices are linked to the planting of perennial plants, in particular fruit trees (Fenske, 2011). In times of increasing population density, and when the sale of land is becoming a common practice, cashew orchards can act as land tenure insurance (Temudo and Abrantes, 2012). In this respect, the cashew nut tree possesses several advantages: it is a rapid growing tree which does not require much care or manpower to establish and maintain and, above all, produces a non-perishable fruit with an assured market. On the other hand, cashew works like insurance for the elderly, in times of exodus of young males to the towns, because it requires little manpower that can be largely provided by women and children (Lundy, 2012). The role of cashew trees in the marking of land tenure can thus explain, to a certain extent, the success of the crop and is a matter that requires further study.

Trade, exportation and local processing of cashew

The outflow of annual production of cashew nuts occurs during the so-called "cashew campaign", which runs approximately from March-April to August. During this period, small free-lance buyers and officers of medium sized companies travel the country acquiring cashew nuts or exchanging them for rice.

From 2004 onwards, the cashew nut market became relatively liberalized and less dependent on rice bartering and more on a cash basis than previously. In approximate terms, the overall marketing chain from farm to port is quite short. There are up-country buyers acting on behalf of urban buyers; raw cashew nuts are delivered to town warehouses where they may be further dried, bagged and consolidated in loads, or sent directly to exporters in Bissau. Exporters may or may not re-bag the cashew nuts and then sell them to international dealers or processors for shipment to India. Participation in this chain of commercialization is licensed and each of the agents in the chain has to pay a fee to the Ministry of Commerce and the Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture (CCIA). As of 2004 there were about 300 registered buying agents and 40 exporters.

Fleeing from this general scheme, rural farmers maintain the custom of receiving a loan on rice on account of cashew nuts to produce the next season, often at an exchange ratio unfavorable for them. In years of low cashew nut production, this practice can have serious consequences for small farmers, specifically at the food security level.

The absence of a legislative and regulatory framework to structure the cashew market, a commodity that commands such importance to the country’s economy is surprising, and is a situation which should be remedied so that it can function with integrity and transparency of price formation and transactions. Without this market structuring, for which there are already positive examples in Africa, it is difficult to attain a fair partition of benefits for the majority of farmers.”

As per the Volza's Guinea Bissau Raw cashew nuts Exporters & Suppliers directory, there are 277 active raw cashew nuts exporters in Guinea Bissau exporting to 489 Buyers.

LION OVERSEAS PTE LTD accounted for maximum export market share with 146 shipments followed by DELTA STAR GENERAL TRADING LLC with 122 and OKI GENERAL TRADING LLC at the 3rd spot with 70 shipments.

ARREY AFRICA SARL is the largest cashew nut processor in the country. According to its website, 

“Our company is located in Bula - Guinea Bissau. Arrey África has been operating a cashew nut processing plant with 5,000 m² of built area since 2015, and we have 225 employees.

In January 2021, we started the operation of another unit, in the same city, with twice the production capacity and forecast to hire 400 employees, with a built area of 7,000 m².

The Arrey Group also operates another factory in Brazil, EUROALIMENTOS, located in the city of Altos – Teresina/Piauí, with 400 employees and 15,000 m² of built area. For 25 years, it represents one of the most important industries in the state of Piauí.

Sustainability is part of one of our main goals; with this, we started the Bio project, through purchases from local cooperatives, where suppliers/producers are georeferenced, which demonstrates the origin and good practices of the products we process.

The AGRICERT certification gives us the right to guarantee the origin and qualty of our products.

Arrey África Company, together with the World Bank and the Private Sector Rehabilitation and Agroindustrial Development Support Project (PRSPDA), created a project within the cashew nut sector, directly linking farmers to the transformer in 2018.

The project has the help of 8 peasant cooperatives from two regions of the country (CACHEU and OIO).

In the same year of 2018, the orchards of 3,509 producers were georeferenced, and an area of 9987ha, which the Arrey Africa Company certified in organic cultivation through the Agricert certifier.

We have bio europa certificates, NOP, Haccp food safety certificate, and we are implementing the BRC, Smeta certificate… During the cashew nut season, Arrey África pays a bonus to the cooperatives, so that they are the ones who connect and transport the raw material from the producers to the factories, processing plants that Arrey has in the town of Bula, Comarca de Cacheu, where we process 4000MT of cashew nuts per year.

Arrey África this year 2022 will make available 6840m2 of its land in agreement with the city's school of agricultural technology for the cultivation of different vegetables and seedlings of the cashew nut tree for delivery to producers who join the project within the scope of improving the orchards of cashew.

Since 2015, our company has been exporting cashew nuts to several countries in Europe (Spain, France, Italy, Holland, Germany...), as well as the United States of America, Brazil and Asia.”

The Arrey Group includes Arrey Hotels, Arrey Construction, and Arrey Group Trade and Industry.

Alphonsa Cashew Industries, on its websites, states, 

“The family has been in the cashew business since 1958. Alphonsa Cashew Industries was established as an independent business in 1986 by Babu Oommen under the patronage of his father and founder of the family business, Oommen Geevarghese. . . . Alphonsa is one of the largest direct procurers (on actual user basis) of Guinea Bissau raw cashew at the farm-gate level. . . . In line with our vision to vertically integrate our business and to create one of the most comprehensive traceability systems in the cashew industry, we started our Direct Procurement Programme in 2010 with our first procurement center being set up in Sampa, one of the most prominent cashews producing region in Ghana. This was followed by us expanding our direct sourcing footprint to Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Tanzania and Guinea Bissau.  What started as a single company has today grown to 12 independent companies, each lead by a descendant of the founding family, that is collectively one of the largest business group in the cashew industry.We began our direct procurement in 2019 with sourcing and shipping activities based out of Bissau, the capital of the country. . . . We have an ownership or active engagement in all stages of the cashew value chain starting from procurement of the highest quality raw cashew nut at the farm-gate level from 6 origins to in-house processing in 13 processing facilities in India and distribution of superior quality cashew kernels to over 300 customers spread across 43 countries worldwide. Cochin Chamber of Commerce, one of the most reputed Chamber of Commerce in India, ranks us among the top 10 shippers of cashew from India. . . .” 

Guinean economist Aliu Soares Cassama has stated, “Our economy has had a deficit in the trade balance for a long time. In other words, we import more and export less. We know that economic agents do not have purchasing power due to the total paralysis of the State, and this situation will further complicate the economic weakness that the country is experiencing.”

AMILCAR CABRAL HAS TAUGHT US HOW THE ECONOMY OF GUINEA BISSAU DEVELOPED FROM A CASH CROP MONO-MERCANTALIST SYSTEM STARTED BY THE EXPORTS OF PEOPLE, THEN PEANUTS, NOW CASHEWS. THIS IS PROFITED FOREIGNERS AT THE EXPENSE OF GUINEANS.

UN Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent Intervenes in Mumia Abu Jamal's Case

Photo: Joy Piette https://www.flickr.com/photos/109799466@N06/sets/72177720304505667/with/52567351322/

Judge Orders Philly DA to Disclose All Evidence in Mumia Abu-Jamal Case. Could It Lead to New Trial?

“Supporters of imprisoned journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal are celebrating a decision by a Philadelphia judge on Friday to order the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office to share all of its files on the case with Abu-Jamal's defense team. Judge Lucretia Clemons gave prosecutors and the defense 60 days to review the files, including many that Abu-Jamal's team has never seen. The judge is then expected to rule on whether to hold a new trial for the former Black Panther, who has been imprisoned for over 40 years for his 1982 conviction in the murder of police officer Daniel Faulkner. His supporters have long claimed prosecutors withheld key evidence and bribed or coerced witnesses to lie, and documents found in the DA's office in 2019 show Abu-Jamal's trial was tainted by judicial bias and police and prosecutorial misconduct."

REGARDING THE RECENT PROCEEDING IN THE CASE OF MUMIA ABU JAMAL, the International Movement for Reparations in Matinique (MIR) stated,

"Unprecedented, Never seen, is the fact that the Working Group on People of African Descent (set up at the UN in Geneva in the follow up of the Durban 2001 conference) produced a memorandum (attached) for put pressure on the judge (put pressure... or reassure her that she is no longer alone) who was hearing Mumia on December 16. With the effect that the Judge (black) clearly dared to change her decision. The OHCHR (through a group of experts on people of African descent), weighing on an internal decision of a US court relating to a former Black Panther, ....something has happen here."

HERE IS THE WORKING GROUP OF EXPERTS ON PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT AMICUS CURIE BRIEF:

REMEMBERING THE PEOPLE’S INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL FOR JUSTICE FOR MUMIA ABU-JAMAIL, an excerpt from my book, From Yale to Rastafari

“In November 1997, I organized the Peoples of Chicago Ad-Hoc Committee in Support of Justice for Mumia Abu-Jamal (PCMAJ) which traveled to Philadelphia on December 4th for the Peoples’ International Tribunal for Justice for Mumia Abu-Jamal held at the Blue Horizon on December 6th. The trip was free to all 11 delegates which included two elders and the Rastafar Livity Nyabinghi Choir. In addition to hanging a large banner of Bob Marley that read, “How Long Shall They Kill Our Prophets?” we drummed and chanted Nyahbinghi during the Tribunal. There, I met Sundiata Sadiq, Gamal Nkrumah (Kwame Nkrumah’s son) and Julia Wright, daughter of famed author Richard Right. I presented a brief outlining international legal arguments and justifications for an international rescue team to rescue Mumia Abu-Jamal from prison to Adekoye Akinwole (Herman Ferguson), a Tribunal Judge, one of the original signers of the Republic of New Afrika’s Declaration of Independence, and the RNA’s first Minister of Education. I had hoped that my brief or parts of it would make it into the Tribunal’s Indictment that was delivered on December 10 to Dr. Purification Quisumbing, Director of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Office in New York.

‘ I am concerned,’ I said to Baba Adekoye Akinwole, ‘that should they begin to march brother Mumia to the gas chamber, that no one will attempt to rescue him. I ask you, a member of the Black Liberation Army (BLA), what is to be done?’ Baba Adekoye’s response while receiving my brief was,

‘THE BLA IS AND ALWAYS HAS BEEN, UNDERGROUND. DO NOT WORRY.’ THAT WAS ALL HE SAID.”

Guinea Bissau Citizenship Update: Important Meeting With Conservador dos Registros Centrais (Keeper of Central Records)

December 20, 2022 - Bissau, Guinea Bissau - Djulde Baldé, Conservador dos Registros Centrais (Keeper of Central Records) met with Decade of Return Coordinators Siphiwe Baleka and Daiana Taborda Gomes to give the latest update on the citizenship process and the status of the 23 applications he keeps in his office. The meeting was a follow-up to the meetings that were held on December 2, December 8 and on December 16th. Balanto Djassi (aka Yama Cisse on Facebook) and Abraham Santos Dias, representatives of the Roots to Guinea Bissau organization were invited to the meeting but did not attend.

Mr. Baldé explained the entire process and status of the 23 applications that he has received (see below). All of the security checks have been cleared by Interpol. On August 8, the Ministry of Justice asked the Prime Minister to waive all the fees and two days later, the Prime Minister agreed to reduce the fees by 50%.

Prime Minister

Eng. Nuno Gomes Nabiam

BISSAU

Bissau, 08/02/2022

No. Ref 2o3 /GMJDH/2022

Subject: Request for intervention.

With our distinguished greetings.

On 29/04/2022, we received the letter Rel. CPM/282/mc/2022, a request for the acquisition of Guinean nationality for African-Americans descending from Guinea Bissau, previously authorized by Your Excellency, was sent to my office. In this consonance, and completing the formalities for the purpose of attributing nationality, we request Your Excellency to be worthy, on an exceptional basis, to grant the waiver of payment of the relevant fees, since they involve relatively large sums (770,482.00 x 23 persons), whose payments should be made directly at the Single Office of the Public Treasury.

With no further business for the time being, please accept, Prime Minister, my full consideration.

Minister Teresa Alexandrina da Silva.

Handwriting: Authorized the exemption of 50% of the value.

To the Office of the Minister of Justice and Human Rights

Bissau, August 10, 2022

Subject matter: In/Ref. REf: 203/ GNHDG/2022 - Entry no. 3268.

GPM/714/mc/2022

The Office of His Excellency the Prime Minister sends his best regards to the Office of the Minister of Justice and Human Rights.

Following V. Correspondence on the above subject, we would like to inform you that the request was authorized by a superior, only 50% of the value, by Dispatch of His Excellency the Prime Minister, recorded in the attached letter.

High regard.

The Cabinet Director,

Jose Paulo Domingos Semena

Unfortunately, Ms. Balanto Djassi failed to inform us of this development back in August and we were thus unable to collect payments at that time. This is the reason for the delay in the process.

The Keeper of the Records now has all the files in his possession. The next step is to collect payment. Once payment is collected, the Decade of Return Coordinators will deposit the payments at the Treasury and issue a receipt to the Decade of Return Coordinators who will then take the receipts back to the Keeper of the Records who will add them to the file. The Keeper of the Records will then send the files to the General Director of the Ministry of Justice who will send it to the Minister of Justice who will take it to the Prime Minister. At this point, the issue of the naturalization applications will be entered into the agenda of the Council of Ministers. Because several ministers have various levels of interest - i.e. Minister of Tourism, Minister of Culture, Minister of Foreign Affaris, Minister of Justice - this part of the process could take a week or several months. No one knows. However, Mr. Baldé explained to us that the Ministry treats the naturalization applications as a single file. They prefer to move the file forward rather than each individual application, which will slow the process, since individual applications will not be a priority for the Council of Ministers, but a group file of African Americans will be a priority. Towards that end, he highly recommended, as he did in our previous meeting, that those who are ready should make their payment to the Decade of Return account in Guinea Bissau. Then, right after the holidays, we will deposit the money into the State Treasury and return the receipts to him. Those who would like to do this and ensure their file is included in the first group should email repatbissau@gmail.com for the payment information. We have already collected payment from people on the list.

Finally, we showed Mr. Baldé analytics from our website, including the data that showed that since our meeting on December 8, as many as 245 people came to us to get information about citizenship in Guinea Bissau and that we were already promoting tours for 2023 with the view to helping the government host its first Citizenship Ceremony in May.

We explained to the Keeper of Records the model that is being used in Sierra Leone and suggested that we could follow the same model, whereby his office would recognize various groups authorized to process applications and the government hosts Citizenship Ceremonies twice a year. However, processing applications involves having the capacity to translate the documents which not all groups may possess. Mr. Baldé said that it could work that way but that they prefer that a united front represent any groups that may wish to become part of the process. This is exactly the reason why from the very beginning, The Minister of Culture issued a document inviting everyone to coordinate through the Decade of Return. For the benefit of all the descendants of people taken from Guinea Bissau who wish to obtain citizenship, as well as for the benefit of the government of the Republic of Guinea Bissau, it is best that we demonstrate the original spirit that initiated the process and already demonstrated the capacity to process the applications and collect payment. Unity for Guinea Bissau!

FOR THOSE WHO WANT TO INITIATE A NATURALIZATION APPLICATION,

COMPLETE THE FORM HERE

Invitation

“The Secretary of State for Culture, having knowledge of African-Americans of Guinea-Bissau descendants interested in visiting the country, serves to formulate an invitation to give them greater openness and possibility to arrive in Guinea-Bissau.

So that there is no impediment, this invitation will be signed and authenticated with the oil stamp used in this institution.

The contact will be through the coordinator of the return decade Siphiwe Baleka of the Balanta B'urassa History & Genealogy Society in America and from his team in Bissau and the association Ban Faaba.

Bissau, June 21, 2021

The Secretary of State,

Dr. Francelino da Cunha”

Strategic Reparations Litigation: Transgenerational Epigenetic Effects, Ethnocide and Prisoner of War Claims - A Look at Cases Against France and the United States

On Wednesday, December 7th, The Movement4Black Lives, Global Black, and the Open Society Justice Initiative hosted a side-event during the launch of the Permanent Forum of People of African Descent in Geneva, Switzerland. The theme of the event was “Adding to the Action: The Role of Strategic Litigation in Movements for Reparations” and aimed at growing an international network of litigators, organizers and other human rights leaders responding to our communities’ call for reparations. The event invitation stated, “Collectively, we’ll map the global landscape of successful action, strategic opportunities and share some of the legal and political barriers we face.”

According to the Open Society Justice Initiative, 

“Our definition of strategic combines community engagement, in-court-action, and out-of-court advocacy to seek systemic change. It is often rooted in preparatory research, documentation, and dialogue with affected communities to identify pathways that include, but are not limited to, legal action. While some cases may attract large-scale media coverage, others may quietly lay the groundwork for subsequent efforts whose cumulative impact is visible over time. Our measure of impact in strategic litigation is not confined to a formal pronouncement from a court. In some instances, the threat of litigation can create space for marginalized voices, even the playing field, spotlight abuse, , prompt public pressure, grant legitimacy to long-silenced claims, and narrow the range of available justifications for defenders of oppression.”

This article discusses the most promising reparations strategic litigation opportunities that are related to the newly developed sciences of transgenerational epigenetic effects of slavery, ancestral DNA testing, ethnocide and prisoner of war claims under the Geneva Convention.

The Deadria Farmer-Paellmann Reparations Case

Deadria Farmer-Paellmann spent five years digging for evidence that tied Corporate America to pre-Civil War slavery. Farmer-Paellmann v. Fleetboston Financial Corp. was argued on March 26, 2002. It was the first class-action lawsuit filed to seek compensation from US insurance companies who previously profited from the enslavement of African peoples. The case was dismissed in 2004, amended, resubmitted and dismissed again in 2005 on the basis of the statute of limitations and other considerations, while the Supreme Court refused to hear the appeal in October 2007

Tara Kolar Ramchandani, in Judicial Recognition of the Harms of Slavery: Consumer Fraud as an Alternative to Reparations Litigation, recognized the value of strategic reparations litigation, writing.

“These cases have been dismissed for a variety of procedural and jurisdictional reasons, including statutes of limitations, the political question doctrine, sovereign immunity, and lack of standing—hurdles preventing such cases from being decided on their merits. . . . Due to the fact that the original harms of the “peculiar institution” were inflicted against men and women who lived generations ago, it is difficult to surmount threshold procedural issues, and access to the courts is barred for both private and public rights of action.

On December 13, 2006, the door to the courthouse reopened with the possibility of claims based on current violations of consumer fraud and protection acts. The right of action under these acts provides a new hope for recognition of the great harms inflicted through slavery by the judicial system. In In re African American Slave Descendants Litigation, the Seventh Circuit reviewed the district court’s dismissal of a class action reparations suit brought by African American descendants of slaves.

This recent development argues that although claims under consumer fraud and protection statutes may not garner large sums of money, they should be vigorously pursued for four reasons: 

(1) such claims may present the only avenue for judicial recognition and vindication of the evils of slavery; 

(2) publicity and media campaigns following lawsuits may spur a larger movement toward non-judicially enforced reparations; 

(3) as has happened with previous reparations suits, the filing of suits may lead to out-of-court settlements; and 

(4) recognition of the injuries inflicted upon plaintiffs will provide a dignitary value previously unrecognized by the American justice system.

While claims under consumer fraud may provide an alternative to the more traditional reparations claims, there is an entirely new class of reparations claims that appear to have even greater promise.

Dr. Kenneth Knave and  Judge Norgle’s Decision 

In 2020, Dr. Kenneth Knave's published Competent Proof: The Legal Standing for African Americans in the Battle for Reparations  reviewing Judge Norgle's decision in the Deadria Farmer-Pellmann case. Dr. Knave correctly identified that 

"Judge Norgle ended the document with V. CONCLUSION, stating that '(the) Plaintiffs' claims, as alleged in their Complaint, FAIL based on numerous well-settled legal principles. Mr. Norgle makes five legal statements that summarize his arguments which are in agreement with the Defendants' Motion to Dismiss:

1. Plaintiffs' claims are beyond the constitutional authority of the Court (Federal). Plaintiffs lack essential constitutional standing requirements to bring their claims because they FAIL TO ALLEGE ANY SPECIFIC CONNECTION BETWEEN THEMSELVES AND THE NAMED DEFENDANTS.

2. Prudential limitations prohibit the court from deciding such BROAD QUESTIONS OF  SOCIAL IMPORTANCE when such claims are brought on behalf of absent third parties, as Plaintiffs attempt here.

3. The POLITICAL QUESTION DOCTRINE bars the (federal) court from deciding the issue of slavery reparations, an issue that has been historically and constitutionally committed to the Legislative and Executive branches of government.

4. Plaintiffs' claims fail to fall within the recognized legal statutes of limitations.

5. Plaintiffs' Complaint FAILS TO STATE A CLAIM UPON WHICH RELIEF CAN BE GRANTED.”

Making a Successful Reparations Claim By Overcoming Judge Norgle’s Five Causes for Dismissal 

When you study Judge Norgle's 76-page statement on the dismissal of the Deadria Farmer-Paellmann reparations case, you will learn that the way to overcome the state's motion to dismiss is by naming the specifics - who, what, where, when and how. Paellmann's case was dismissed because it didn’t prove any specific connection between any of the defendant's (the insurance companies involved in the slave trade) and the plaintiffs (the victims).

So we learned from this that that is the FIRST thing you have to do - show the specific connection between plaintiffs and defendants. Judge Norgel was basically giving us a roadmap of how to WIN by staying away from legal positions they have already settled.

Thus, the way to overcome #1 is to make the specific connection between plaintiff and defendants.

The way to overcome #2 is to switch from a BROAD, COLLECTIVE argument to a narrow, INDIVIDUAL argument.

The way to overcome #3 is to switch from a traditional reparations argument to an argument based on prenatal, preconception, and prima facie torts - i.e. transgenerational epigenetic effects.

The way to overcome #4 is to show that the crime is current since they have never repaired the genetic damage - i.e. the slave DNA was never ended and is still harming us. [Also, there are no statutes of limitation concerning crimes against humanity - i.e. ETHNOCIDE]

The way to overcome #5 is to calculate the actual economic value of the labor of your ancestors that were enslaved (which can be done through genealogy work - I have done it) as well as the value of the unjust enrichment; identify specific territory to be repatriated to; and calculate the cost of the social, cultural and political claims under the international conventions.

The key to the above, the mechanism for linking the harms of slavery to the present generation, is utilizing the transgenerational epigenetic effects of slavery and genealogy.

Transgenerational Epigenetic Effects of Slavery

Kenneth S. Nave, MD states, 

“Science has proven that environmental conditions shape the structure and function of highly specialized cells in key areas of the body. These changes occur in an extension or appendage to the gene known as the Epigene. The Epigene is an extension of the gene that responds to biochemical signals emanating from the environment. These signals cause changes to the gene. These epigenetic changes to the gene influence and change the cellular genetics of the cell. . . . Under certain environmental conditions, the epigenome programs or ‘reprograms’ the genetics of the cells of the limbic system which, in its most fundamental definition, is the center of all human thought, emotion, behavior, learning and, when present, psychosocial pathology. . . This environmental shaping is usually pathologic leading to physical disease, social dysfunction, and mental illness. Most significantly to the plight and social conditions of the descendants of former slaves is the scientifically proven fact that the changes to the epigene created by environmental pathology is passed down to the descendants of those initially impacted by environmental gene shaping. . . . As it relates to the cells of the brain, this cellular shaping can lead to problems with learning, memory, and mental health. As it relates to cells of the heart and cardiovascular system, these changes can lead to heart attacks, strokes, and kidney failure. Endocrine cells genetic shaping can lead to diabetes and metabolic syndrome. . . . This environmental shaping of the gene is well confirmed and is also recognized to be transmissible at least to the fourth generation of one’s descendants and beyond. That means that any environmental hardship experienced by your ancestors and causing this genetic environmental shaping could possibly, and is probably, transferred down to you, their descendant, and likewise your progeny, for generations. This is The Transgenerational Epigenetic Effect (TGEE).”

Developing Cause of Action for the Baleka Case against the United States Using TGEE, Genealogy, and Tort Claims

The 1st amendment of the US Constitution guarantees the right to petition the government for a redress of grievances. The 4th amendment guarantees the right to liberty. The 13th amendment abolishes slavery and involuntary servitude and the 14th amendment guarantees the equal protection of the laws. Here, then, is the construction of a tort claim.

Black’s Law Dictionary, 11th Edition:

1.       Tort-claims act. (1926) – A federal or state statute that, under stated circumstances, waives sovereign immunity and allows lawsuits by people who claim they have been injured by the government or its agents and employees

2.   Federal Tort Claims Act. (1946) – A statute that limits federal sovereign immunity and allows recovery in federal court for tort damages caused by federal employees, but only if the law of the state where the injury occurred would hold a private person liable for the injury. 28 USCA $$ 2671-2680 – Abbr. FTCA

3.       Preconception tort. (1977) – A tort that is committed before the victim has been conceived.

4.       Prenatal tort. (1960) – A tort committed against a fetus. If born alive, a child can sue for injuries resulting from tortious conduct predating the child’s birth.

5.       Prima facie tort. (1938) – An unjustified, intentional infliction of harm on another person, resulting in damages, by one or more acts that would otherwise be lawful. Some jurisdictions have established this tort to provide a remedy for malicious deeds – esp. in business and trade contexts – that are not actionable under traditional tort law.

6.       Negligent tort. (1865) – A tort committed by failure to observe the standard of care required by law under the circumstances.

7.       Business tort. (1935) – A tort that impairs some aspect of an economic interest or business relationship, causing economic loss rather than property damage or bodily harm. Business torts include tortious interference with prospective advantage, unfair business practices, misappropriation of trade secrets, and product disparagement.

Because I have done the genealogy work to identify my ancestor that was captured from his ancestral homeland and trafficked across the Atlantic and enslaved in the Carolinas, I can now make the following claims:

1.       Tort claims act, which allows lawsuits by people who claim they have been injured by the government, gives me cause of action.

2.       My complaint is based on a prenatal tort. I am claiming that the State of South Carolina committed tortious conduct that constituted a preconception tort that resulted in injuries (epigenetic mutations) at the moment I was born alive.

3.       The Negro Laws of South Carolina (1740) establishing the slave manufacturing process that relied on torture and was used against my great, great, great, great, great grandfather Brassa Nchabra is a prima facie tort that continues to cause injury through the Transgenerational Epigenetic Effect producing biopsychosocial disorders and the Syndrome of Sociopathy.

4.   The United States 111th Congress (S.Con.Res.26) acknowledged the prima facie tort, stating, “The Congress (A) acknowledges the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws; (B) apologizes to African- Americans on behalf of the people of the United states, for the wrongs committed against them and their ancestors who suffered under slavey and Jim Crow laws; ”

5.       The United States government committed a negligent tort after the Emancipation Proclamation when it passed the 13th amendment which only terminated the property rights permitting whites to possess or distribute slaves, but allowed them to legally retain and benefit from the intellectual property rights to dehumanization, slaves and slavery because the concepts, as intellectual properties, are legally distinct and separate from the property rights. Intellectual Property rights were entirely neglected. The United States neglected its moral, legal and scientific responsibility to provide and enforce a scientific method to reverse engineer the epigenetic status of all living slave mutations derived from the original slaves manufactured by the American States and its licensees. This neglect created a preconception tort and the prenatal tort of epigenetic damage at the moment of my birth.

6.       The United States continues to commit a negligent tort by its failure to make meaningful and undertake measures, by virtue of Article VI of the United States Constitution, to implement its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights under the framework of the Declaration on the use of scientific and technological progress in the interests of peace and for the benefit of mankind PROCLAIMED BY GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 3384(XXX) OF 10 - NOVEMBER 1975 and the United Nations Commission’s Appendix 1. Resolution 1986/9 outlining the USE OF SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS FOR THE PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS.

7.     Specifically, Article 8 of Appendix 2 reads, “All States shall take effective measures, including legislative measures, to prevent and preclude the utilization of scientific and technological achievements to the detriment of human rights and fundamental freedoms and the dignity of the human person.” Upholding the legal retention and benefit from the intellectual property rights to dehumanization, slaves and slavery is a violation of my Constitutional rights. The United States government’s failure to take effective measures, including legislative measures, to repair the epigenetic mutations and the Transgenerational Epigenetic Effect of the dehumanization process is a negligent tort subject to a remedy.

8.     The prima facie, preconception, prenatal and negligent torts outlined above created a business tort as evidenced by the collective racial wealth gap which I continue to suffer.

9.       The United States 111th Congress Disclaimer stating that “Nothing in this resolution (S.Con.Res.26) (A) authorizes or supports any claim against the United States” violates my 14th Amendment right to equal protection under the law and creates another negligent tort.

CONSTRUCTING MY CIVIL RIGHTS CLAIM

1.       Preconception and prenatal torts producing epigenetic mutations, the Transgenerational Epigenetic Effects of dehumanization and slavery, and the Syndrome of Sociopathy violated my 13th amendment right to be free from slavery at the moment of my live birth and continues to the present.

2.       Negligent torts upholding the legal retention and benefit from the intellectual property rights to dehumanization, slaves and slavery violated my 13th amendment right to be free from slavery at the moment of my live birth and continues to the present.

3.       Black’s Law Dictionary, 11th Edition, defines liberty as “1. Freedom from arbitrary or undue external restraint, esp. by a government <give me liberty or give me death>. ‘[Liberty] denotes not merely freedom from bodily restraint but also the right of the individual to contract, to engage in any of the common occupations of life, to acquire useful knowledge, to marry, establish a home and bring up children, to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, and generally to enjoy those privileges long recognized at common law as essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.’ Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390, 399, 43 S.Ct. 625, 626 (1923).”

4.       Preconception and prenatal torts producing epigenetic mutations, the Transgenerational Epigenetic Effects of dehumanization and slavery, and the Syndrome of Sociopathy violate my 5th amendment right to life, liberty, and property.

5.       Negligent torts upholding the legal retention and benefit from the intellectual property rights to dehumanization, slaves and slavery violated my 5th amendment right to life, liberty, and property.

6.       The United States failure to undertake measures, by virtue of Article VI of the United States Constitution, to implement its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights is a negligent tort that violates my 14th Amendment right to equal protection under the law.

Utilizing the Geneva Convention and Ethnocide in International Jurisdiction

The Geneva Conventions says, 

"1949 Geneva Convention: Article 4 (1) defines prisoners of war as “Members of the armed forces of a Party to the conflict, as well as members of militias or volunteer corps forming part of such armed forces.” 

Article 5 states, 

“The present Convention shall apply to the persons referred to in Article 4 from the time they fall into the power of the enemy and until their final release and repatriation." 

SO IF YOU WANT TO MAKE A SUCCESSFUL CLAIM UNDER THE GENEVA CONVENTION, YOU NEED TO IDENTIFY WHEN YOU FELL INTO THE HANDS OF THE ENEMY. 

If you can't answer that, then the Convention makes the following provision - 

"Should doubt arise as to whether persons, having committed a belligerent act and having fallen into the hands of the enemy, belong to any of the categories enumerated in Article 4, such persons shall enjoy protection of the present Convention until such time as their status has been determined by a competent tribunal.”  

Now, it can be argued that Afrodescendent has been determined already by a competent tribunal -- the Durban Declaration and the Third World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in the city of Santiago, Chile in the year 2000 and it was the term adopted in 2002 by nineteen (19) countries at the United Nations Conference for the Rights of Minorities in La Ceiba, Honduras.

The idea is to file a case in domestic court. If it gets past a motion to dismiss, great. We have made an advance. If not, that is great, too because I can now claim I have exhausted all domestic remedies to exercise my 1st amendment right to bring grievance against the United States for damage resulting from the ETHNOCIDE of my 5g Great Grandfather Brassa Nchabra, which damage continues unrepaired in my DNA. Having exhausted all domestic remedies, I can now bring my individual human rights case before international tribunals, especially the Inter American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) which is the only avenue for American citizens to bring individual human rights cases.

Let us look now at a similar effort that came out of Martinique.

Examining the International Movement For Reparations Association (MIR) Case Against France

Law 2001-434 of 21 May 2001 of Africle 1 states that 

“The French Republic recognizes that the transatlantic slave trade and the Indian Ocean slave trade on the one hand, and slavery on the other hand, perpetrated from the fifteenth century onwards, in the Americas and the Caribbean, in the Indian Ocean and in Europe against the African, Amerindian, Malagasy and Indian populations constitute a crime against humanity.”

Considering the French State responsible for the crimes against humanity that were the slave trade and slaver, the associations known as the International Movement for Reparations in Matinique (MIR) and the World Council of the Pan African Diaspora (CMDPA) summoned the French State before the Fort-de-France Regional Court by deed dated 30 May 2005. In the course of the proceedings, 57 individuals intervened. On the basis of Law No. 2001-434, those applicants - both on behalf of their successors and on their own behalf and the people of Martinique, initiated proceedings before the French judicial courts for their claim for damage resulting from the slave trade and colonial slavery. MIR and  CMDPA asked for

-  an expertise, at the expense of the State, entrusted to a panel of experts and intended to assess the damage suffered by the Martinican people,

-  a provision of 200 billion euros managed by the department and the region, pending the constitution of a foundation,

-  in addition to the sum of € 5,000 on the basis of Article 700 of the Code of Civil Procedure.

The case was debated at the public hearing of 29 September 2017 and judgement given December 19, 2017. The right to compensation to which everyone was legitimately entitled under the abovementioned law of 21 May 2001 was reduced to nothing by the finding that the applicants’ claims were time-barred, and therefore inadmissable. Of considerable significance is that the decision dismissed the actions of MIR and CMDPA stating, 

they did not justify a personal and current injury sufficiently related to the crimes suffered by those of their ancestors who had been victims of trafficking or slavery,’ and “if it were accepted the claimed right would be rebourn with each generation, thus ensuring the imprecriptibility* of the harmful effects of the crime over time. . . . the first judges considered exactly on the merits that they did not justify, nearly two centuries after the definitieve abolition of slavery, suffering individually from a damage of their own that could be directly and certainly linked to the crimes suffered by those fo their ancestors who were victims of the slave trade and slavery.”

*In law, a right or obligation which cannot be extinguihsed by negative prescription (the barring of adverse claims to property after a specified period of time has elapsed). . . even if the prescriptive period has expired, the right or obligation will continue to subsist. 

An appeal was brought against the decision and by judgment delivered on 17 April 2019, the Court of Cassation dismissed the appeal stating that, 

“The Court of Appeal had therefore decided exactly that this action, in so far as it concerned facts which had ended in 1848 and despite the suspension of the limitation period util the day on which the victims or their successors had been ablet to act, was presceded in the absence of demonstration of an impediment which would have lasted for more than a period of time - a hundred years.”

An appeal against the judgement was thus made with the European Court of Human Rights (see below). Meanwhile, on 20 March 2014, forty-eight natural persons, MIR, the association Comite d’organisation du 10 Mai and the International Committee of Black Peoples (CIPN) summoned the judicial agent of the State to assess, repair and compensate for the crimes of slave trade and slavery. By judgement delivered on 4 April 2017, the Fort-de-France Regional Court declared the inadmissibility of the claims of MIR and dismissed all of the applicants’ other claims. Here, the decision introduced a new concept, namely that,

“The Act of 26 December 1964, which provided for imprescriptibility for crimes against humanity, referred to acts committed during the Second World War and was retroactive only in this very particular context.”

In essance, the state of France was willing to illegally discriminate between Jewish claims and African claims simply on the basis that the Jewish claims were based on events that happened 100 years AFTER those of the Africans. . . . 

On 30 May 2017, the appellants appealed againts the court’s decision. The case was referred to pre-trial preparation and by separate pleadings lodged on 5 April and 18 September 2018, the appellants referred to the Court two prioritiy questions of constitutionality. The appellants 

“essentially accused the trial judges of having violated the provisions of Article 14 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which prohibits any discrimination on grounds of sex, race, colour or religion, and on the other hand of having excluded their righ to compensation. This constitutes discrimination that undermines the principle of black human rights, and finally refuses to recognize this principle, which is inherent in the recognition of the slave trade and slavery as crimes against humanity, which undermines the principle of equality in law and dignity of human beings as well as the fundamental principles constituting the common ground of all civilized peoples and nations. . . . such motivations stem from an ‘ideology of law rooted in a tradition of denial of human rights.’”

On the inadmissibility alleging the absence of genealogical proof of the ancestry of natural persons, the court noted,

“All claim their status as descendants of the enslaved deportees and thus to have suffered damage, both as beneficiairies and in a personal capacity, for which they seek compensation. They add that although they cannot justify genealogy established in a precise and proven way, they nevertheless remain Afro-descendants from the slave society, which did not vanish with the decree of abolition. . . . the notion of ‘descendant’ refers to that of heir to a given society with its characteristics inscribed in economic, social and cultural structures marked by the reproduction and continuity of relationships and models originating in the slave trade and slavery, and that one can therefore limit oneself to the strict ‘bio-genealogical’ level, rendering the plea of inadmissibility advanced by the judicial agent of the State inoperative. . . . . They also argue that the denial of the normative nature of this text contravenes the principle of equality before the law and the principle of the right to reparation available to any wrong, by excluding any possibility of an action for compensation and by preventing the application of the principle of imprescriptibility recongized to crimes against humanity. . . . They add that this text, which defines trafficking and slavery as crimes against humanity, is indeed a law of criminal incrimination that cannot be deprived of normative scope either because the perpetrators of the crimes are dead or because the State is criminally irresponsbile. For them, this does not erase either the qualification or the reality of the crime, nor the possibility of an actions for compensation. They conclude that this must lead to the recognition of the principle of imprescriptibiltiy of crimes against humanity and that of the retroactivity of the laws qualifiying them. They therefore consider that the first judges violated these principles by applying rules contrary to the international treaties to which France had subsribed, but also contrary to the case-law of the Criminal Division of the Court of Cassation of 26 February 1984 at the end of which by nature any crime against humanity is imprescriptible and escapes the principle of non-retroactivity. They thus assert that these general principles of law must be applied not only to the acts of the Axis powers during the Second World War but to all the facts classified as crimes against humanity as reflected in Articles 7(2) of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and Article 15(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. . . . They therefore consider . . . the collective conscience making any material reparation impossible by deduction, has placed the victims of these crimes, unlike those of the crimes committed by the Axis powers, in the impossibility of acting.”

MIR and CIPN also raised the issue of transgenrational epigenetic effects. The court noted, 

“They also refer to previous studies carried out at the University of Cambridge and advances in epigenetic science over the past twenty years which have highlighted the influence of the human environment on genetics and the existence of transmission phenomena through generations of historical collective trauma of a dehumanizing nature. They conclude that the transgenerational prejudice covers both material damage resulting from the absence of any patrimonial transmission for the freedmen referred to in the 1848 decree, but also moral prejudice, which lies in the deprivation of the right to a genealogy and in the acculturation of current generations with regard to their culture of origin, the notion of ‘creolity’ being only a product of colonization and an imposed culture.

By two judgments delivered on 11 February 2020, the Fort-de-France Court of Appeal declared these questions inadmissible. The proceedings were closed on 13 October 2020. In its decision, the court stated, 

“ . . . it should be noted that Article 121-2 of the Criminal Code lays down the principle of the State’s non-criminal responsbility and that the tools of international law were designed only to judge and punish natural persons guilty of crimes against humanity. On this basis if Articles 7.2 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and Article 15-2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Civil rights establishing the possibility of trial and punshment of a person guilty of an act or omission which, at the time when they were committed, were criminal according to the general principles of law recognized by the civil nations, Such provisions are applicable only to natural persons in the absence of any international recognition of the criminal responsibility of States for crimes committed during periods of slavery and the slave trade. The resolution of 16 december 2005 adopted by the United Nations General Assembly merely recommended that States take into account and promote respect for the fundamental principles and guidelines and bring them to the attention of members of the executive, legislative, and judicial organs of the State, victims and their representatives, human rights defenders and lawyers, of the media and the general public without conferring on them any coercive character and without really being implemented in the former slave powers.

Similarly, it may be noted that the criminalization of crimes against humanity has its origin in the London Agreement of 8 August 1945 which established an international military tribunal to try the major war criminals of the European Axis countries for murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and any other inhuman act committed against any civilian population, before or during war, or persecution on political, racial or religious grounds, when such acts, whether or not they constituted a violation of the domestic law of the country where they were committed. However, this tribunal had jurisdiction only to try major war criminals from the Axis countries.

In addition, the Act of 3 January 1995 implementing United Nations Security Council Resolution 827 of 25 May 1993 establishing an international tribunal for the purpose of trying persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1 January 1991, or the Act of 22 May 1996 adopted for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 955 of 8 November 1994 establishing an international tribunal for the purpose of trying persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda, as well as Rwandan citizens responsible for genocide and other such violations committed in the territory of neighboring States between 1 January and 31 December 1994, also apply only to natural persons.

Moreover, although these offenses are retroactive, they derogate from international law which enshrines the legality of offences and penalties and the non-retroactivity of the more severe criminal law as set out in Article 8 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, 7-1 of the European Convention on Human Rights, 15-1 of the International Covenenant on Civil and Political Rights, the principle of non-retroactivity recognized by the Constitutional Council on 21 January 1997 and the provisions of articles 111-3 and 112-1 of the Criminal Code. Therefore, in the absence of a general derogation or permissible exception to the principle of non-retroactivity of the more severe criminal law, it is necessary to examine the admissibility of the plaintiff’s action solely in the light of the provisions of Article 10 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and the rules of limitation in civil matters refferred to above.”

In respect to the argument provided by the science of transgenerational epigenetic effects of slavery, the court stated, 

“Nevertheless, none of the admissbile parties produces sufficiently convincing evidence capable of establishing that they suffer individually from an injury of its own which can be directly and certainly linked to the crimes suffered by their ascendants who are victims of trafficking and slaver. The only references to academic works highlighting trangenerational prejudices linked to the influence of the human environment on genetics and the existence of phenomena of transmission of historical collective traumas of a dehumanizing nature, but also the only general references to material and moral prejudices experienced by all descendants of slaves (in particular the absence of transmission of heritage, the deprivation of a right to a genealogy and the persistence of an acculturation of current generations) do not make it possible to establish for each of the natural persons the existence of a certain, direct and personal prejudice in connection with the transatlantic slave trade and slavery. The first judges will therefore also be approved in that they have rejeted the requests of these heads as well as those of the Organizing Committee of May 10 and the International Committee of Black Peoples who come in support of the applicants natural persons without demonstrating their prejudice.”

European Court of Human Rights

Finally, the European Court of Human Rights in reviewing the case, stated on October 10, 2019,

“21.    In the present case, although the provisions of the Act of 21 May 2001 describe the acts of slavery and the slave trade as crimes against humanity, they do not provide for any mechanism for compensating the direct and indirect victims of these acts contrary to Article 4 of the Convention.

Such an absence undoubtedly conflicts with this provision, which it has been recalled creates positive obligations on the Contracting States, in particular as regards the existence of a legal and regulatory framework capable of enabling victims to assert their rights in practice.

In the absence of specific legal provisions relating to compensation for these acts of slavery, the French courts consider proceedings brought by the descendants of slaves to be unreceivable because they are time-barred.

Yet, the principle of prohibition of slavery would be deprived of an essential part of its effects if it did not include, as an indispensable corollary, the right to reparation of the victims of those acts.

It should be emphasized that "to deny the right to reparation" is to "deny the dignity of the individual and therefore to deny man" (L. Boisson de Chazournes, J.-F.   Queguiner and S.  Villalpando (dir.), Crimes de l'histoire et reparations: les réponses du droit et de la justice, éd. Bruylant, éd. de l'Université de Bruxelles, Coll. de Droit international n° 57, 2004, p. 85 in E. Lambert-Abdelgawad, RSC,  2005, p. 454).

Conversely, this legal impasse has the effect of exonerating the French State from its personal responsibility for the damage caused by this crime against humanity.

France should therefore have provided for provisions setting up a specific compensation mechanism derogating from ordinary law; all the more so since this was the primary purpose of the Law of 21 May 2001. . . . Therefore, by classifying the acts as slavery without drawing the consequences from the point of view of reparations, France disregarded the positive obligations derived from the need to ensure the effectiveness of the principle of prohibition of acts of slavery.

Consequently, and in the light of all the foregoing, the applicant has suffered a violation of Article 4 of the Convention, a violation attributable to the respondent State. . . . 

21.    In the present case, discrimination between, on the one hand, the victims of the slave trade and, on the other, the victims of other crimes against humanity, including the Holocaust.

Indeed, on the one hand,  it is accepted in French law that crimes against humanity are, by nature, imprescriptible.

Thus, under the terms of the single article of the Act of 26 December 1964 establishing the imprescriptibility of crimes against humanity: "Crimes against humanity, as  defined by the United Nations resolution of 13 February 1946, taking note of the definition of crimes against humanity, as set out in the Charter of the International Tribunal of 8 August 1945,  are imprescriptible by their nature".

Articles 213-4 and 213-5 of the Criminal Code confirm that "the perpetrator or accomplice of a crime referred to in this subtitle may not be exonerated from liability solely for the fact that he has performed a time barred act [...]".

These texts implement principles set out in the Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity as adopted by the United Nations (UN) on 26 November 1968, according to which "The application to war crimes and crimes against humanity  of the rules of domestic law relating to the statute of limitations for ordinary crimes is of deep concern to world public opinion because it prevents those responsible for such crimes from being prosecuted and punished".

The Court of Cassation therefore confirmed that "the principle of  imprescriptibility prevents  a rule of domestic law from enabling an individual convicted of one of these crimes to escape proceedings  on account of time elapsed, whether since the charges concerned or since a _previous conviction, provided, as in the present case, no penalty has been served" (Crim., 3 June 1988, No. ­87-87.240: Bull. No. 246).

Whatever the public or civil nature of the concerned case (Crim., 1  June 1995, No 94-82.590, No 94-82.610 and No 94-82.614: Bull. No  202).

On the other hand, as has been explained, ignoring the principle of imprescriptibility of crimes against humanity, the French courts persist in declaring inadmissible the proceedings brought by the descendants of slaves on the basis of the above-mentioned Act of 21 May 2001.

Thus, the latter are now concretely prevented from taking action against the French State in order to obtain compensation for the damage suffered both by their slave ancestors and by them personally, unlike the victims of other crimes against humanity.

And this in contrast to the victims of the activities and actions committed by the French administration between16 June 1940 and the restoration of republican legality, as it results from the ordinance of 9 August 1944 (see specifically: EC, 12 April 2002, M. Papon, No. 238699; EC, 16 February 2009, Hoffman-Glemane, No. 315499).

22. In view of France's leading role in the establishment and continuation of the slave trade and slavery in Europe, there is no justification for such discrimination. . . . 

Thereof, in addition to being legally unjustifiable, the discrimination suffered by the applicant infringed the particular responsibility incumbent on France in relation to slavery in the light of the historical and geographical circumstances inherent in the present case.

Consequently, and in the light of all the foregoing, the applicant had suffered a violation of Articles 4 and 14 of the Convention, a violation attributable to the respondent State. . . . 

29. In the present case, there is no effective judicial remedy enabling the applicant to obtain compensation for the acts of slavery and the slave trade classified as crimes against humanity on 21 May 2001.

Indeed, purely theoretical, because it considered inadmissible as time barred the proceedings for compensation brought by the descendants of slaves is today emptied of its substance.

As a result, descendants of slaves today have no effective judicial means to claim their rights and to avail themselves of the rights guaranteed by the Convention.

It is also clear that such a remedy could not have been envisaged before the French State, through the law of 21 May 2001, qualified these acts as " crimes against humanity".

By recognizing for the first time the  liability of France and expressly classifying these acts as a 'crime against humanity', this text placed the applicant in a position to act. . . .

Consequently, by not providing any possibility of reparation for acts of slavery, which are systematically held time barred by the French courts, France made it concretely impossible for the applicant to obtain compensation.

There is a blatant violation of Articles 6 and 13 of the Convention.

In response to the French State’s determination NOT to pay reparations, the appellants ask,

“How can one believe that legal proceedings conducted before the French judges appointed by the French state and in solidarity with the latter’s dominant ideology could lead to a condemnation of the French state to repair the damaging consequences of the two crimes? How can we think that a French judge could one day decide to grant the request for reparation when it is obvious that the independence of judges is a fiction and that judges are the docile civil servants of the state, bearers of its interests and protectors of its finances? Can anyone seriously assert that the victims’ heirs acted too late to claim reparation for a crime that is legally imprescriptible? Are those who initiate such actions under the illusion and delusion that there may be a reversal of the French judge’s case law? What is the relevance of continuing the fight on the legal level if the action will be indefinitely confronted with the quasi-ontological resistance of the judge to judge and condemn the crimes committed by his Master?”

For answers to those question’s read MIR’s Why The Battle For Reparations Is Won.

France and The United States Compared

Now compare the French situation with that of the United States. On June 18th, 2009, the 1st Session of the 111th Congress, of which President Joe Biden was a member as a Senator for the state of Delaware, passed S. CON. RES. 26 acknowledging “the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws;” and “apologizes to African-Americans on behalf of the people of the United States, for the wrongs committed against them and their ancestors who suffered under slavery and Jim Crow laws”.

Unfortunately, the same Congressional Resolution demonstrated the hypocrisy of the United States Government on issues of race and equality when it added the following disclaimer to the resolution

“NOTHING IN THIS RESOLUTION— (A) AUTHORIZES OR SUPPORTS ANY CLAIM AGAINST THE UNITED STATES; OR (B) SERVES AS A SETTLEMENT OF ANY CLAIM AGAINST THE UNITED STATES.”

The 1st Amendment of the Constitution of United States of America 1789 (rev. 1992) states very clearly,

“CONGRESS SHALL MAKE NO LAW RESPECTING AN ESTABLISHMENT OF RELIGION, OR PROHIBITING THE FREE EXERCISE THEREOF; OR ABRIDGING THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH, OR OF THE PRESS; OR THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE PEACEABLY TO ASSEMBLE, AND TO PETITION THE GOVERNMENT FOR A REDRESS OF GRIEVANCES.”

The S. CON. RES. 26 Disclaimer effectively prevents members of the Afrodescendant Nation from exercising their 1st Amendment Right to petition the government for redress of grievances from the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws in the United States.

Moreover, on August 18, 2016, the Report of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent of its mission to the United States of America, reiterated that

“THE UNITED STATES HAS NOT SIGNED AND RATIFIED ANY OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS TREATIES THAT WOULD ALLOW UNITED STATES CITIZENS TO PRESENT INDIVIDUAL COMPLAINTS TO THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS TREATY BODIES OR TO THE INTER-AMERICAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS.”

There is, therefore, no recognition or support by the United States Government for members of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States of America to exercise their 1st Amendment right to petition the Government for a redress of grievances nor to exercise their human rights under international law to present individual complaints to the United Nations human rights treaty bodies or to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

The Baleka Case: Understanding Ethnocide Against the Balanta People in the United States

Siphiwe Baleka, has, for the first time, has combined genetic testing, family genealogy, domestic and international law to explain exactly how ETHNOCIDE was committed against his family, why the Transgenerational Epigenetic Effects remain and require remedy. It has informed his understanding of the legal status of 1,108 generations of his family up to the present. The case that Siphiwe Baleka has prepared overcomes the reasons for dismissal by both the United States and France. He is now ready to file the case in domestic court and international court but needs the assistance of lawyers and financial help. Lawyers interested in the case should send an email to balantasociety@gmail.com

To donate to the legal and diplomatic work of the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America,

Baba Dr. Wade Ifágbemì Sàngódáre Nobles and Siphiwe Baleka Discuss Transgenerational Epigentic Effects (TGEE) of Slavery and Divine Energy Made Manifest (DEMM)

On Wednesday, November 30, 2022, Baba Dr. Wade Ifágbemì Sàngódáre Nobles and Siphiwe Baleka, along with Enola G Aird, were panelists on a forum entitled Skh (Illumination): Repairing Spirit Damage and Restoring Wellness in the African World. This event was a lead up to the launch of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent held at the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland December 5-8, 2022. 

The following is a conversation between Baba Dr. Wade Ifágbemì Sàngódáre Nobles and Siphiwe Baleka conducted via email on December 1, 2022, the day after the Skh (Illumination). Baba Nobles asked his questions in one email and Siphiwe Baleka answered in another email. For the sake of this post, the questions and answers have been spliced together.

Baba Nobles: Alafia, My Brother Siphiwe Baleka I am not sure if you are en route to Geneva or have arrived. Whatever the case, be well and be safe. The more I hear you speak and review some of your work, eg., COMPLETE STATEMENT TO THE 26TH SESSION OF THE WORKING GROUP OF EXPERTS ON PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT REGIONAL MEETING WITH CIVIL SOCIETY, the more I am convinced that our on-going conversations will be beneficial. Your thinking  has forced me to recall an earlier (long ago) engagement with Western Psychological theorist, especially Eric Ericson who, if  my recalling is correct, posited the idea that every organism is born with a certain purpose, and continues to develop how it was intended in interrelation with its environment.  Hence, biology unfolds in relation to socio-cultural, environmental (experiential) factors, ergo, the “epigenetic principle.” With these new analyses, science supposedly discovered that such modifications disrupt the normal development and functioning of cells by influencing gene activation, deactivation, etc.  without altering or changing the primary structure of DNA. This is intriguing. However, it is, I believe, bound to the ghost of Aristotle and Descartes’ dilemma, which yokes our intellectual explorations to only “materialist conceptualizations.” Genetics is a study of physical expressions as inheritance.  Even the ideas or thought or affect or feeling are only understood through their physical expressions or evidence. The epigenetic inheritance, as you posit, can be passed down to at least seven generations. The epigenetic tags which react to our environment have cellular memory, which in turn, tell the genes whether to be on or off, to activate, or deactivate. Hence, the idea that our ancestors’ enslavement created epigenetic tags of “fear,” which is being passed down from generation to generation, may need to be expanded. I invite you to ponder additional considerations. Were there epigenetic tags of “courage,” “fearlessness” “etc.? What evidence do we have of these attributes being passed down from generation to generation? Do we have multiple complementary and conflicting tags?  On another level, if African deep thought and wisdom traditions (BaNtu Kongo) suggest that all is spirit and that our beingness is a tri-fold vibrating radiating spirit (energy) that is knowing and knowable, which exist in both the visible and invisible realms, then are there epigenetic tags that are not limited to the physical? 

Siphiwe Baleka: I am inclined to say yes but I have no narrative for how such other worldly epigenetic encoding process works or could work. Perhaps we could coin a phrase? - “multi-versal epigenetic encoding” or “quantum epigenetic encoding”. The more I think about it, a) we have non-intellectual faculties of knowledge that allow communication with the supreme intelligence inside and outside our bodies; b) our perception and thoughts input the epigenetic encoding; c) therefore our perceptions and thoughts from a) do in fact result in b)……

Baba Nobles:  If our “Personhood” exists within “Familyhood” embedded in “Peoplehood,” then would there not be “collective knowing and knowable energy that could create a “force field” that makes the collective more important than the individual? 

Siphiwe Baleka: Yes

Baba Nobles: Is the collective spirit (energy) greater than the individual physical being? What does that suggest for the centrality of inheritance being an individual proposition? 

Siphiwe Baleka: I don’t know. I’m still of the persuasion that direct individual ancestral lineage genetic and epigenetic transmission is dominant. Take a physical example - there’s a reason that a black child resembles it’s black parents rather than Tom Cruise or Paris Hilton ….

Baba Nobles:  If we, the yet-to-be-born and our ancestors are Divine Energy Made Manifest (DEMM) possessing a knowing and knowable spirit, then what intelligent guidance can we receive that is grounded in being DEMM? 

Siphiwe Baleka: This is why I believe that one of the overriding imperatives at this time is establishing a New Afrikan Institute of Mysticism (feel free to replace this word with an Afrikan word/concept) somewhat like the ancient Kemetic Mystery School - where we gather all the living traditional healers and leaders and formulate a curriculum where students are taught inner engineering technologies that allow enhanced communication with the supreme intelligence within and without the body. Such curriculum would include various forms of meditation but also such things as remote viewing, associate remote viewing (seeing into the future) astral projection, telepathy, telekinesis, and other such techniques that have been taught in secret programs in the US and Russia. This is exactly what I proposed at the New Afrikan Thought Conference.

Baba Nobles:  Is our knowing and being knowable limited to only the physical and only in our brains? Finally, can this epigenetic discussion include the Dwellers of Heaven, the invisible ones?

Siphiwe Baleka: No, it is not limited to the physical and the brain although what we do know is the brain plays an important processor of the environmental inputs. But then again, so does the “abdominal brain”. Until I can communicate directly with the cells in my body, I can’t know what capacity my cells have to independently epigenetically encode …. I believe the Dwellers of Heaven and invisible ones are already included in the discussion. How do you think I am able to talk about this? Of course, more skilled spiritual practitioners are needed to understand TGEE in order to ask better questions and receive better answers.

Baba Nobles: Be well and I look forward to hearing about the Geneva discussions.

The Indignity of an African Traveling to Geneva, Switzerland for the Launch of the Permanent Forum of People of African Descent at the United Nations

Siphiwe Baleka Statement to the 1st Session of the UN Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

NCOBRA's Statement to the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

Baba Dr. Wade Ifágbemì Sàngódáre Nobles

 Co-Founder and Past President (1994-1995), The Association of Black Psychologists

Chair, ABPsi Global Pan African Initiative,

Professor Emeritus, Black Psychology and Africana Studies. San Francisco State University, 

Founding Executive Director (retired), The Institute for the Advanced Study of Black Family Life & Culture, Inc.

Email: DrWNobles@gmail.com

   <www.DrWadeNobles.com>

"A people who do not plan for and take ownership of the future will perish"

"Yesterday is History, Today is a Miracle, Tomorrow is a Mystery"

"History is the Key to Unlocking 

the Mystery of the Miracle"

Brassa Mada aka Siphiwe Baleka

Fouder, Balanta B'urassa History & Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA)

Member, Inclusive Policy Lab of the UNESCO E-team for the People of African Descent and the Sustainable Development Goals

Member, International Civil Society Working Group for the United Nations Permanent Forum of People of African Descent (IWG-PFAD)

Member, NCOBRA International Affairs Commission & Health Commission

Coordinator, #savesoil Guinea Bissau

Coordinator, Lineage Restoration Movement (LRM)

balantasociety@gmail.com

WhatsApp Guinea Bissau +245 956 931 329