Prince Theophilus Tatsitsa Gha and Siphiwe Baleka Discuss the Decade of Return Initiative in Cameroon

Prince Theophilus: Hello everyone. Just to know, what is the real problem?  I mean in the reconnection of afro descendants? A few questions to better understand the problem:

 1- What exactly are Afro-descendants looking for? 

Siphiwe:

• An acknowledgement by the government of Cameroon that they are the descendants of the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele, Tikar and other peoples taken from their homelands in Cameroon as prisoners of war, trafficked across the Atlantic, and enslaved in the Americas.

• An acknowledgement that they never relinquished their birthright claims to their homelands, and as such, have an enforceable moral and legal right to return under international law, especially the Geneva Convention

• Designation as a unique class of immigrants with unique pathways to residency, resettlement, citizenship and preferential investment opportunity

Prince Theophilus:  2 - What problems do they want to solve exactly?

Siphwe: Afro-descendants want to 

• Solve the problem of spiritual destruction through ritual and symbolic return of the spirit of the ancestor that was kidnapped and trafficked from their homeland and died in captivity and did not receive proper burial rites;

• Solve the problem of restoring families’ ancestral lineage;

• Solve the problem of “belonging” by establish a homeland outside the lands and jurisdictions of their captivity in the west and within the land of their stolen birthright;

• Solve the problem of Cameroon’s brain drain with brain gain;

• Solve the problem of disunity in the Global African World by reconnecting the Africans at home with the Africans abroad;

Prince Theophilus: 3- Do they expect solutions from peoples or social groups from which they believe they descend (a few centuries ago) or from states that did not yet exist when their ancestors left the continent by force.

Siphiwe: Yes. When Cameroon gained independence and signed various international treaties, they assumed jurisdiction and responsibility for all issues pertaining to people within its jurisdiction. Thus, as a signatory to the Geneva Convention, the Republic of Cameroon has both a moral and a legal duty to provide for the final voluntary “repatriation” of the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar descendants in the Americas whose unforfeited birthright is within the jurisdiction of Cameroon. It should be noted that war crimes and the Geneva Convention have no statute of limitation. 

Prince Theophilus:  4- And those who claim to be descendants of such a tribe or such other sociological group, have they left it to explore other approaches, especially those endogenous, making it possible to verify their belonging to a group or a family?

Siphiwe: The African Ancestry matrilineal and patrilineal dna test measuring non-recombinant dna that is passed from generation to generation without change is the scientific proof of one’s direct lineage descent from Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele, Tikar and other peoples taken from their homelands.

Prince Theophilus: 5- And those who come in expeditionary groups (prepared and coordinated by organizations or agencies) submit to collective rituals called reconnection.  These rituals are in what register and do they correspond to the customs of all the ancestors of those who lend themselves to them?

Siphiwe: It is the responsibility of the Republic of Cameroon and the Chiefs, leaders, spiritual authorities and communities of the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele, Tikar and other peoples to see to such rituals of reconnection and customs of all the ancestors. It certainly cannot be expected from those that are returning to know of and have the capacity to ensure to such things.

Prince Theophilus: 6- And those who practice them do so in the name and on behalf of which community?

Siphiwe: Those who are returning are not practicing any of the customs of all the ancestors. This is the purpose of returning to Cameroon so as to engage in such activities that will help repair and restore the well-being of those that have been cut off from such cultural practices.

Prince Theophilus:  7- Often everything has been designed in advance by the organizers to come to Africa to perform what they were paid for.  Is it serious?

Siphiwe: Those who have been leading such efforts have made serious attempts to do the best they can as “outsiders” coming into Cameroon. Again, it is the responsibility of the Republic of Cameroon to provide competent people to work with those who are organizing these events from the other side of the Atlantic to properly organize such “welcome home” events.

Prince Theophilus: 8- And when we challenge a few dignitaries or people from a few communities to give a semblance of seriousness to the activities, against remuneration, present or recognition of any kind, what is the result?

Siphiwe: Results vary according to the level of education, morality, integrity and political interests of the dignitaries consulted.

 Prince Theophilus: 9- And those who act under ambushes or in a reactionary way, do they really meet the criteria of competence, legitimacy and established authority?

Siphiwe: I don’t understand this question. Please rephrase it.

Prince Theophilus: 10 - Whatever the pretexts and contexts, are endogenous customs really called upon?

Siphiwe: Again, it cannot be expected of those who have been living outside of Cameroon - against their will - for six or more generations, to know of understand, and behave in accordance with traditional customs. Such people wouldn’t even know how to properly call for and initiate them. Again, it is the responsibility of Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele, Tikar and other peoples and their communities to prepare to receive and guide the people returning home, to teach them with sensitivity and wisdom, about their lost culture and customs. 

Prince Theophilus: 11- And the officials of the administrations or representatives of the states who are often challenged, do they even understand what the real basic problem is?

Siphiwe: From our experiences so far working with the Director of Civil Cabinet of the Presidency of the Republic and the Ministry of External Relations, and their complete lack of response to our Decade of Return Initiative, it does not seem like the officials of the administrations or representatives of Cameroon understand the real basic problem nor the incredible opportunity that is presenting itself as a result of Ghana’s 2019 “Year of Return” and the spreading Back-to-Africa movement.

Prince Theophilus: 12- Besides the personal consolation of those who make the trip and the satisfaction of those who offer their services on the way, has the basic problem been solved?

Siphiwe: No. The basic problem of providing the environment for the repair of ethnocide and re-integrating the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele, Tikar and other descendants into their stolen birthright cultures has not been solved. This will require the granting of citizenship and specific public policy for this unique class of immigrants. It will take decades of effort by the people of Cameroon to help the generational transition from life of captivity in the west to life in the Republic of Cameroon. 

Part 2:

New questions

 Prince Theophilus: Q 13 - Coming back to Afro-descendants, are they recognized as descendants by the communities to which they claim to belong?

Siphiwe: How would we know? That is a question you would need to ask the communities to what extent we are accepted. 

 Prince Theophilus: Q 14 - Do they recognize the families to which they are attached within the said sociological groups?

Siphiwe: In most cases, they haven’t identified any family members. The African Ancestry dna test doesn’t measure that. It only identifies the ethnic identity of one’s unbroken paternal lineage and maternal lineage. It will be the responsibility of the communities in Cameroon to help in identifying family members. This can be done through a lot of work using other dna and genealogy databases, however those databases are owned by foreigners and present some security issues that many Afro-descendants do not wish to risk.

Prince Theophilus: Q15 - Have they done research to find out how one becomes or how one is recognized as a member of the sociological group to which they claim to be attached?

Siphiwe: Many of the various descendants have formed networks and history and genealogy societies to pool their research efforts. However, it is the responsibility of the communities in Cameroon to understand that THEY must realize that the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar descendants returning to Cameroon from the Americas can only get the research you are speaking of from the communities themselves. It is not the child (the returnees) that is responsible for getting the knowledge, it is the parent (the communities in Cameroon) that must recognize their returning children and take responsibility for providing them the information that was kept from them. 

Prince Theophilus: Q16- Is it enough to have a DNA test to claim a nationality?

Siphiwe: According to countries like Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau, yes. The question is, why isn’t this enough for Cameroon?

Prince Theophilus: Q17- What is the legal (legal) and customary (legitimate) value of the documents or information provided by the agencies or test laboratories that Afro Descendents use?

Siphiwe: That’s for the sovereign Republic of Cameroon to decide. Again, AU Member states such as Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau have give a legal recognition and status to the African Ancestry certified documents. The Republic of Cameroon is no less a sovereign power. 

Prince Theophilus: Q18 - Have these results been cross-assessed or tested, for example through confirmation tests on the current descendants of the communities of origin, and or by other anthropological methods such as ordeals and various practices of  divinatory arts which are research methods used by some of the communities?

Siphiwe: How could such tests, such as anthropological methods. . . ordeals and various practices of divinatory arts confirm any origin if the practitioners of such things from the communities themselves don’t create events for such testing and invite the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar descendants in the Americas to attend them and submit themselves to these assessments? It is essential to remember that the returnees are “outsiders” to societies in Cameroon who need orientation and integration programs created for them as is their birthright.

Prince Theophilus: Q19 - Do international conventions recognize the results of DNA tests carried out as elements of sufficient proof to justify membership of a particular sociological group, and giving the right to a nationality?

Siphiwe: We are working on such a convention for the African Union as we speak. But the African Union is not a sovereign power. They can make decisions but it is up to each AU Member state to implement the decisions. This is a question for the parliament of the Republic of Cameroon. However, they can (and should) follow the lead of Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau on this matter.

Prince Theophilus: Q- 20- The states that have ratified the said conventions would then be called upon to comply.  It will therefore remain to know what customary law and religious dogmas say about reconnection, according to socio-anthropological specificities.

Siphiwe: I’m quite sure that Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar descendants in the Americas would be delighted if the communities and societies in Cameroon would publish the customary law and religious dogmas concerning reconnection according to socio-anthropological specificities. Who but the parent societies could complete this task? Now, here are my questions: 

Questions for Prince Theophilus Tatsitsa Gha -

1. At the First Extraordinary Summit of the General Assembly of the AU in February 2003, the Republic of Uganda along with the other AU member states, adopted the Article 3q amendment to the AU Constitutive Act which “invite(s) and encourage(s) the full participation of the African Diaspora as an important part of our Continent, in the building of the African Union. What has the Republic of Cameroon and the Paramount Chiefs done to make sure that the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar descendants in the Americas can return and fully participate in the building of Cameroon society and the African Union?

Prince Theophilus: On the participation of the African Diaspora in the construction of the African Union...

The resolutions of the successive meetings of the African Union have led to the recognition of the Diaspora as constituting the 6th Region of the African Union. The Afro-descendants would have done better to seize this breach to work for the implementation of the structures of a Community of the 6th Region, which would have its representatives within the African Union.

Through a parliament of the community of the 6th Region, recognized by the African Union, the question of citizenship would be easily settled for Afro-descendants or any African born outside the continent. With the advantage that such citizenship could give access to all the other 5 regions of the continent.

For this question, it is incongruous to reduce the responsibilities to the level of the sociological groups which are found in one or the other of the 5 regions of the continent.

Siphiwe: This is the thing we dislike. When we ask a direct question to our brothers and sisters, especially Government Officials and Royalty, we don’t get a straight answer to the question. My question was What has the Republic of Cameroon and the Paramount Chiefs done . . . .  I was expecting to hear in reply, “We have done this…. We are doing this….. and we need to be doint this…..” Unfortunately, you did not discuss the actions of the Government or Chiefs, but instead changed the subject to the responsibility of those in the Diaspora. This causes us to feel disdain for those who should truly be our partners. I would remind you that the Diaspora was invited to be a “partner” with the AU and thus, the member states and the people themselves, as partners, have duties and responsibilities. The Diaspora is well aware of its responsibilities. I don’t think you are aware of the fact that since 2003, the African Diaspora has been prevented from establishing itself officially as the AU 6th Region by the African Union itself!!!! I know this because I was in charge of supervising the election of the first 20 Diaspora representatives to AU ECOSOCC in 2006. Since then, many commentators have published analysis of the AU’s failures regarding its invitation to the Diaspora. And now I work closely with the former AU Ambassador to the United States, H.E. Arikana Chihombori-Quao  as the Coordinator of the 8th Pan African Congress Part 1 (8PAC1) to be held in Harare, Zimbabwe later this year. The agenda for the 8PAC1 is establishing the AU6th Region with headquarters, Ambassadors to the AU Permanent Representative Committee (PRC), and dual citizenship for African Diasporans. So I can tell you what we, the Diasporans, have been doing and are doing to fulfill our part of the partnership for the past 20 years. Since I am well versed in this aspect, again, I ask the you not to talk about the AU or the Diaspora, but instead to discuss what is or isn't being done by the Government and Chiefs in Cameroon to fulfill their end of the partnership. Getting this kind of information is the purpose of my questions. We want to know what is being done on our behalf inside Cameroon to fulfill its obligations. Next question:

2. What problems were created when Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar people were taken from their villages and enslaved in the Americas? How have those communities who lost family members tried to solve those problems?

Prince Theophilus: It seems to me that there is a misunderstanding or confusion about what is supposed to establish the relations of supposed fraternity or brotherhood between the descendants of the deportees from Africa and the members of the communities to which they believe they are attached.

Africa is today occupied by the States resulting from colonization on the one hand (which are grouped into 5 regions of the African Union), and on the other hand, by sociological groups more or less structured in historical communities. or fate.

Not all Post Colonial Countries have the same sociological groups.

Not all sociological groups have the same relationship with the forced deportation of Africans (slavery). Some communities were also formed late.

But in the Afro-descendant narrative, all colonial states and sociological groups are lumped together, due to a lack of historical and anthropological research, as well as the massive propaganda of DNA testing companies and agencies that offer shipments with some key reconnection services.

Siphiwe: there is no misunderstanding on our part. I personally have been working on this issue since I left the African Union in 2003 when Article 3(q) was made to “invite and encourage the full participation” of the African Diaspora. In fact, I have prepared a resource guide of all the major decisions and agreements made by the AU concerning our partnership avaialble here.

We agree that “Not all sociological groups have the same relationship with the forced deportation of Africans (slavery).” But you are mistaken when you say, “But in the Afro-descendant narrative, all colonial states and sociological groups are lumped together, due to a lack of historical and anthropological research. . . .” This is the very reason why we asked you specifically about each sociological/ethnic group by name. And yet, you still did not answer our questions concerning what problems were caused when, for example, Bamileke families lost Bamilike family members that were enslaved in the Americas? How have Bamilike people tried to solve them? The same for all the other groups of people. You did not give us an answer to that question.  Next question:

3. How have the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities and the Republic of Cameroon sought to remember those who were taken and enslaved?

Prince Theophilus: According to traditions, when a custom is badly made, it can be done 1000 times without solution even if it is made by non-consecrated people or on non-concerned people.

Siphiwe: Again, my question was not answered. I was expecting to hear about traditions that were done, for example, in the Tikar communities to remember the Tikar people who were captured and enslaved in the Americas. For example, here in Guinea Bissau, there is a song that is sung once a year in Cacheu where the majority of people of Guinea Bissau were taken. Did any of the ethnic groups in Cameroon develop any similar cultural traditions? Next Question:

4. What efforts have the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities and the Republic of Cameroon made to rescue the descendants of their family members that were taken away?

Prince Theophilus: In general, it is the one who feels bad who must, first, look for solutions to his pain.

It is not in the interests of Afro-descendants to wait for solutions to be offered by communities to which they claim to belong or to descend through their ancestors.

They have to do research. And also know that not all lessons are open to everyone. The access criteria are not based on filiations defined in laboratories or suggested by foreign genealogical guidance companies.

Siphiwe: This is a little insulting. Anyone who studies the history of African peoples in the Americas knows how much pain we have felt and all the efforts we have made in every generation to rebel against our enslavers and to return to our ancestral homelands as well as to all our efforts to defend Ethiopia when she was invaded by the Italians and all the African Liberation movements in their struggle against colonialism and apartheid. The Afro-Descendants are by no means waiting for solutions as we have taken the initiative ourselves. Was it Africans at home that developed DNA testing to identify the victims who were taken from their families in Africa and enslaved in the Americas? No! It was the African Diaspora, and specifically Dr. Kittles and Gina Paige of African Ancestry, that took the initiative. This is just one example. Where is the initiative from just one African country to send a ship or plane for any of us, and bring us back and give us citizenship? The Diaspora is disappointed that the communities from which they originate, to whose ancestral bloodlines they belong, are taking no ownership and responsibility in repairing the damage that was done by severing family members from each other. It is not in the interests of the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities and the Republic of Cameroon to wait for their long lost family members in the Diaspora to do everything to reconnect the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar people abroad with the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar people at home in the Republic of Cameroon. All Pan Africanists understand that such a project requires Ubuntu - ALL OF US. We want to know when the people and government of Cameroon is going to stand up and do its part. We have not yet heard your answer to this. Next Question:

5. How will the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities and the Republic of Cameroon seek justice for the descendants of their family members that were taken away?

For the communities to be customarily concerned by the request for reconnection, the filiation would have to be effectively established, as well as the tangible responsibility of the community or its members for the forced deportation in a past to be clearly located.

Siphiwe: We agree. What are the people and Government of Cameroon doing to effectively establish “the filiation”? What can they do?  What do you think is the tangible responsibility of the community or its members in this regard? This is the answer we are awaiting from you. Next Question

6. Do the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities prefer that the descendants of their enslaved family members live integrated amongst them or in separate communities?

Prince Theophilus: It should be noted that the Africans living on the continent today, members of the sociological groups mentioned, are only descendants, just as the Afro-descendants are also of the same African ancestors.

And Africa, since the period of forced deportation or slavery, has experienced many phenomena, including new migrations, colonization and its share of forced labor, i.e. home slavery (on African soil), and today, tele-colonization (by instruction and educational and political conditioning).

Without forgetting that it resists and develops a participatory and cooperative slavery: which manifests itself in voluntary, sustained and sometimes more risky deportations and separation from parents is often painful than at the time of chain slavery. .

You only have to follow the news to learn that many Africans lose their lives in the oceans, or suffer excruciating suffering during their immigration journey. Many parents are not even informed of certain travel plans. These new deportations are no less forced. And the candidates for the adventure are often very numerous. This could be incomprehensible or dilute the receptivity to requests for returns presented by some of the Afro-descendants.

Siphiwe: This in no way answers my question. You have changed the subject. I repeat the question in hopes of getting a direct answer: Do the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities prefer that the descendants of their enslaved family members (WHO ARE RETURNING) live integrated amongst them or in separate communities? Next Question:

7. How much land will the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities provide for the returning descendants of their family members that were enslaved in the Americas?

8. Have the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar scholars published research on how best to integrate the returning descendants of their enslaved family members?

9. Have the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar communities in Cameroon prepared language training programs for the returning descendants of their family members that were enslaved?

10. What commitments will the Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar chiefs make to the returning descendants of their family members that were enslaved in the Americas?

11. How will the Paramount Chiefs approach the government on behalf of the descendants of their family members that were enslaved in the America’s to ensure that the Republic of Cameroon fulfills its moral and legal obligations to provide for the return of Bamileke, Ewondo, Fali, Fulani, Kirdi, Kotoko, Mafa, Masa, Mbenzele and Tikar peoples?

Prince Theophilus: Today, there is more interest in dialogue (as opposed to claims), between the current generations of Africans living on the continent and those wishing to reconnect with Africa or return temporarily or to settle.

Thank you, Dear Baleka for your reaction which confirms my analysis. The opposite would have surprised me. Your recitation or your indexing of sociological groups as a kind of mantra clearly suggests that you may not agree with my approach which may even cause a clash of thoughts. The fact that my analysis based on sociological realities rows against the current of certain discourses that are well established.

We can continue the exchanges, but for us to understand each other well, it would be important to make a few reminders for more details on the historical periods preserved by the subject.

1 - When is the period of deportation and forced Africans?

Siphiwe: It began on June 18, 1452 when Pope Nicholas V issued the Apostolic Edict known as the Dum Diversas Papal Bull. The period of forced “deportations” or, more properly, the trafficking of prisoners of war, continued through monopoly contracts known as “Asientos” which were variously granted by the Catholic Church to private merchants from 1518 to 1595, to Portugal from 1595 to 1640, to the Genoese (Italy) from 1662 to 1671, to the Dutch and Portuguese from 1671 to 1701, to France 1701-1713, the British 1713 to 1750, and the Spanish 1765 to 1779. In the United States, several colonies became combatants to the Dum Diversas War when they legalized slavery: Massachusetts in 1641; Connecticut in 1650; Virginia in 1657 and Maryland in 1663. Other colonies followed and the United States of America officially entered the Dum Diversas War trafficking of people from Guine after American independence in 1776. The British stopped their forced deportation/rafficking of prisoners of war in 1807 and the French followed suit between 1845-48.

Prince Theophilus: 2- When does the existence, in their current denominations and organizations, of the sociological groups called (?):

- Bamileke,

- Ewondo,

- Fali,

- Fulani,

- Kirdi,

- Kotoko,

- Mafa,

- Massa,

- Mbenzele

- and Tikar.

To name a few,... from Cameroon/Cameroon

Siphiwe: I think the point is this - the people of Cameroon, whoever they are and whatever they are called - suffered when members of their family were captured, trafficked and enslaved in the Americas. Now it is possible to remember who these people were and identify their descendants who want to come home. Do the people who were left in Cameroon care about the family members who were taken and survived slavery? Are they going to welcome them home, give them their citizenship, and help then integrate by learning their language and culture, or are they going to be cold-hearted and turn their backs and continue the divisions between Africans at home and those abroad. Will Cameroon, its Government and Chiefs, show themselves to be leaders of Pan African values or poor students of history?

Don't Be Fooled! The Vatican's Statement on the Doctrine of Discovery is Wordplay!

In a statement on Thursday, March 30, 2023 (see below) the Vatican’s development and education office said the theory of the “Doctrine of Discovery” – which still informs government policies and laws today – was not part of the Catholic Church’s teachings. The most problematic part of the statement declared,

“The legal concept of “discovery” was debated by colonial powers from the sixteenth century onward and found particular expression in the nineteenth century jurisprudence of courts in several countries, according to which the discovery of lands by settlers granted an exclusive right to extinguish, either by purchase or conquest, the title to or possession of those lands by indigenous peoples. Certain scholars have argued that the basis of the aforementioned “doctrine” is to be found in several papal documents, such as the Bulls Dum Diversas (1452), Romanus Pontifex (1455) and Inter Caetera (1493). 6. The “doctrine of discovery” is not part of the teaching of the Catholic Church. Historical research clearly demonstrates that the papal documents in question, written in a specific historical period and linked to political questions, have never been considered expressions of the Catholic faith.”

However, that’s like saying that the Dred Scott decisicion was not part of the Supreme Court’s theory on the status of black people in America or that Missouri’s Executive Order 44, known as the Mormon Extermination Order - in which Governor Boggs directed that "the Mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated or driven from the State if necessary for the public peace - was not the official position of the state of Missouri or that the decision to exterminate the Armenians made between March 20 and 25, 1915, was not the policy of the Young Turk Central Committee.

The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, stated,

“we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, 

AND TO LEAD THEIR PERSONS IN PERPETUAL SERVITUDE, AND TO APPLY AND APPROPRIATE REALMS, DUCHIES, ROYAL PALACES, PRINCIPALITIES AND OTHER DOMINIONS, POSSESSIONS AND GOODS OF THIS KIND TO YOU AND YOUR USE AND YOUR SUCCESSORS THE KINGS OF PORTUGAL.”

The Dum Diversas Apostolic Edict declaring total war was followed up with monopoly contracts known as “Asientos” which were variously granted by the Catholic Church to private merchants from 1518 to 1595, to Portugal from 1595 to 1640, to the Genoese (Italy) from 1662 to 1671, to the Dutch and Portuguese from 1671 to 1701, to France 1701-1713, the British 1713 to 1750, and the Spanish 1765 to 1779. In the United States, several colonies became combatants to the Dum Diversas War when they legalized slavery: Massachusetts in 1641; Connecticut in 1650; Virginia in 1657 and Maryland in 1663. Other colonies followed and the United States of America officially entered the Dum Diversas War trafficking of people from Guine after American independence in 1776.

What the Dicasteries for Culture and Education and for Promoting Integral Human Development did in their March 30 statement was to switch the debate from their declaration of war, which cannot be denied, to the “doctrine of discovery”, which they declare “is not part of the teaching of the Catholic Church”. They then absolve themselves of responsibility and blame European courts by stating that “The legal concept of “discovery” was debated by colonial powers from the sixteenth century onward and found particular expression in the nineteenth century jurisprudence of courts in several countries.” The Dicasteries for Culture and Education and for Promoting Integral Human Development then completely ignore the fact that the Catholic Church’s monoply contract Asientos resulted in the trafficking of over 12 million prisoner of war from Africa to the Americas.

Thus, the Catholic Church’s statement is no mea culpa, but rather word play intended to trick us from holding the Catholic Church accountable. A real effort for atonement by the Catholic Church would

1) state that either it was the will of Jesus Christ, as expressed through his representative Pope Nicholas V, to reduced to perpetual servitutde the “Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ” or that the Pope Nicholas V committed the greatest blaspheme in the name of Jesus Christ, by virtue of the fact that it has been agreed that what became known as the “Trans Atlantic Slave Trade” was the greatest crime against humanity;

2) acknowledge that their actions completely disqualify the Catholic Church from any claim of retaining authority in the name of Jesus Christ;

3) Dissolve and divest itself of all property into a Diaspora Pan African Capital Fund and Trust and voluntary cease to exist, a punishment commensurate to the crime it initiated and sanctioned for centuries.

Of course, we know that the Holy See will not take such righteous action. And this makes the MANDATE FROM THE AFRO DESCENDANT PEOPLE ISSUED TO THE PERMANENT FORUM ON PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT TO REQUEST AN ADVISORY OPINION FROM THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ON THEIR STATUS AS PRISONERS OF WAR UNDER THE GENEVA CONVENTION all the more important.

For more background on the events leading up to the Dum Diversas Apostolic Edict declaring total war:

Introducing Alante Daniel Nabicamba

Daniel Nabicamba is my friend and a Balanta man initiated in the secret Fanado ceremonial ritual where all the ways and secrets of the Balanta are passed down from generation to generation. Daniel was an officer in the military who received English language training at Lackland Airforce Base, Texas and is certified in the US Department of Defense “Managing English Language Training Course”. Daniel is now using this training to educate young people, especially Balanta, to prepare themselves to be our “guides” during the Decade of Return and beyond.

DAFANA INSTITUTE

THE GATEWAY TO AMERICA ENGLISH IN GUINEA-BISSAU. OUR NEW SITE WILL OPEN SOON IN BAIRRO MILITAR, a popular neighborhood in the capital city of bissau.

Daniel is not only interested in education and playing an important role in the Decade of Return Initiative, he is also a serious environmentalist and investor in community agricultural partnerships. Daniel launched the NGO-QUITACARE, through its associates in the communities in the framework of environmental preservation. Quitacare initiates local novel awareness actions on the socio-economic and ecological importance of endangered native species. NGO-QUITACARE used internal funding from contributions of associates and friends to train nurseries in the domain of repopulation, construction of forest nurseries and fruit, lack of water for irrigation of plants and treatment.

Our visits to Quebo and Cacine from 15th to 18th of April

In the school at Quebo we will prepare translators for Balanta brothers from USA. We are seeking funding to complete the construction.

Residential guesthouse in Cacine for BBHAGSIA Members

BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka will be making his first visit to the Balanta communities in the south of Guinea Bissau from April 15 to the 18th to witness the development of these projects and to prepare the communities for the Decade of Return. Please send your donations to help us with all of the preparations and for the completion of the projects.

5th Preparatory Meeting for the 8th Pan African Congress Part 1: Definition of the Diaspora

Later this year, the government of Zimbabwe will be hosting the “8th Pan African Congress Part 1 (8PAC1)”. On Saturday, March 25, The Fifth Preparatory Meeting for the 8PAC1 discussed the agenda item, Defining the African Diaspora. To contribute your input on the definition of the African Diaspora for the Zero Draft Resolutions working document for the 8PAC1 Harare Declaration, please complete the form below.

INPUTS FOR THE DEFINITION OF THE DIASPORA

(to submit your input, please scroll to the very bottom of this post)

From Council of Pan African Diaspora Elder Baba Baya:

“The issue of who is defined as Diaspora for those African people who were taken from the Motherland has a certain level of reparations to it that is not shared by those African people who have, voluntarily, migrated outside of Africa. This something that should always be brought to the attention of African heads-of-state, their ministers of state institutions, the political parties of the nation and even those who are African royalty and chiefs of indigenous societies. All have been educated in the west and the majority of which have never been students of the Maafa. Not being students of the Maafa and never having had been obligated to learn its brutal history, there is a tendency to toss the history of this diaspora to the side in the same kind of way that their ex-colonial masters threw the brutality of colonialism away. It is essential for African people who will form the 6th region, and who will, more than likely, form the majority of structure ensure that the definition of Diaspora make this clear in the process of working towards dual citizenship. Most Africans who have migrated outside of the Motherland still have African citizenships and those who don't have rejected that citizenship in favor of U.S., Canadian, British, French, etc. citizenship. And because most European countries do not permit application to citizenship until African migrants are 18 or older, no matter even if they grew up in the European country, those African people really have no desire to return to the Motherland because of a desire to have a better life that African nations could not give them. The diaspora that has a desire to return to Africa, for the most part, are some of those African people who have experienced enslavement in the western hemisphere. These will be the few, not the many because many African people of the Diaspora still carry resentments for the Motherland, not having any head-of-state (outside of Kwame Nkrumah) who have called for them to come home and who has spoken truth to power about their conditions at the U.N., in the U.S. or any other nation where they have remained the human door mat minority populations. Africans of the Diaspora should become knowledgeable about the legal steps needed for dual citizenship as the hoops we need to jump through to ensure dual citizenship as an option however it is also incumbent for African heads-of-state to understand that return is not just about providing them to compensate them for the mismanagement of their brain drain. It is also about them developing empathy for the psychological, spiritual, and social trauma that the enslaved have had to endure because of their political neglect of them over the decaded after having received independence.“

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora can be considered as any one or all of the following: It should be inclusive of ANY one or all of the following:

Any individual born on the continent of Africa who has willingly or forcefully migrated and now resides outside of the continent;
Any individual born outside the continent of Africa with ties to any country on the continent;
Any individual born outside the continent of Africa with parents [living or dead] from any African country in Africa;
Any African descendant who was forcefully transported as a result of the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade into the Americas.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: The diaspora is any location originating outside the geographical location of the main African continent [54/55 countries in including the islands surrounding the continent.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: African Diaspora means Africans scattered outside their country of origin in Africa or anywhere outside Africa.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: Diaspora refers to the dispersion or scattering of a group of people who share a common origin or cultural background, typically due to forced migration, geopolitical conflicts, or economic reasons. The term originated from the Greek word "diaspeirein," which means "to scatter." The concept of Diaspora usually implies a shared sense of identity, history, culture, and traditions among the dispersed population, which may continue to maintain connections and engage in activities that promote social and economic ties across geographical borders. Examples of Diaspora communities include African Diaspora, Jewish Diaspora, Indian Diaspora, and Armenian Diaspora, among others.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora consists of those people that have indigenous African descent and heritage that live, or were born, outside of the continent of Africa.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: My concern is that the definition must include all those that were forced to leave the continent and those that willingly left the continent, while finding a way to exclude those that may claim all mankind descend from Africa and exclude white supremacists that may have some African DNA due to an ancestor that was a former slave but passed as white.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora consists of peoples of indigenous African origin, descent, and heritage born or living outside of the continent regardless of citizenship or nationality.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: We must ensure that we approach the definition with duality, both integrative and segregative. We need an integrative expression and definition which is utilized as the overriding, overarching framework. We need a segregative approach which addresses the different positions and need-bases for the different groups that make up the whole.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora consists of peoples of verifiable African origin, descent and heritage residing outside of the Continent as nationals, assylum seekers or immigrants abroad as a result of forced or voluntary migration, or birth.

This definition expresses the inalieniable status of Africans abroad in relationship to the home continent irregardless of the degree to which they currently accord value to this status. In practice, it is recognised that it is only those within the African diaspora who are willing to contribute to the re-estabishment of the African worldview, African- centred realities, global status, presence and power who are the visible and functioning members of the African diaspora aka 6th region.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: Concern: The ties that exist between the diaspora and home continent needs to read as a statement of Truth, indisputable Facts.
The final agreed definition should therefore as its first and primary function recognise all who fall under the definition, embracing all whether or not as an individual they are Conscious of the unbreakable ties- their birthright and inheritance- this is why iin my humble opinion it should be verifiable- becuase we are speaking about birthright and inheritance. (When in time these things are valued by us we will see the importance of verifiability- the non Africans- particularly Eurasians know the value, hence the lengths they are prepared to go to create counterfeits; also the jews verify through blood tests)…I think that the current definition that requires something of the diaspora is a secondary (important) sub-clause, that defines something slightly different and should not be a qualifier to their birthright status- However we do need to reference as a subclause what is to be the relationship going forwards (in time within the context of OurStory) between the continent and the diaspora. This is slightly different to who is the diaspora- this function of the diaspora will change according to the changing needs of the times going forwards.
This is expressed in the definition current form as those who are willing... Concern: to be willing is a beginning, but( African scholars have identified that )we need to be willing to operate through our African place of Being if we are to manifest change- we must be willing to re-establish the African worldview/ African world order that links all Africans to their origin, descent and heritage, if we are to do more than simply reinforce Eurocentric realities and worldview- this is the nature of the ongoing challenge... to make African's inumerable contributions to the world COUNT IN OUR FAVOUR- work in support of African upliftment and African created realities, rather than in support of the present reality created by former exploiters, thieves, rapists, colonisers and enslavers

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: Africans and Afrodescends living outside the mother continent Africa

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: Diaspora is group of Peoples force to live their country and continent to another or who live their continent free wiling

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora is any person who can biologically trace their origin to the continent of Africa.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: My concern is giving equal rights to those from successive duel heritage backgrounds.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: An addendum to an earlier post by a previous contributor:: Any DNA proven (what %-age would this be and patri and or matri?) individual born on the continent of Africa who has willingly or was forced to migrate and now resides outside of the continent;
Any (what %-age would this be and patri and or matri?) individual born outside the continent of Africa with ties to any country on the continent;
Any individual (what %-age would this be and patri and or matri?) born outside the continent of Africa with parents [living or dead] from any African country in Africa;
Any African descendant (what %-age would this be and patri and or matri?) who was forcefully transported as a result of the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade into the Americas (what of the victims of the Arab Slave Trade transported hundreds of years ago before there were recognized African countries from long dead tribes and kingdoms? - a lot of those old kingdoms were wiped out or decimated but their descendants are minorities in certain Middle Eastern countries eg. Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia etc.). Is there a way or ways whereby the descendants of non-African invader peoples (Boers, Arabs, Europeans etc.) could be legally excluded and defined? And is this something we want to do given the rapidly changing state of technology and DNA methods? Which agency, entity, organization etc has the right or authority to define and broach this topic and topics?

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: This needs to be defined before any discussion on matters relevant to the 6th Region, and or the Diaspora is undertaken.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin, descent and heritage who willingly or by force migrated to live outside the continent, but irrespective of their citizenship or nationality, are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: A person's current citizenship or nationality outside of the continent may be the result of imposed restrictions from the Atlantic trading in slavery, colonialism, or neocolonialism imposed by western imperialism. Consequently, importance should focus on the willingness of African Descendants to contribute to the development of the continent and building of the African Union in the definition.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: I agree with the definitions given!

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: I feel confident that the definition given is more than sufficient for the Committee and goals of the 8th Pan African Conference.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: Thé African Diaspora consist of people of African origin and heritage, and their descendants living outside of the continent of Africa as well as the descendants of the formally enslaved Africans who live within and outside of the African continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: Two distinct groups of Diasporans

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora can be considered as any one or all of the following: It should be inclusive of ANY one or all of the following:

Any individual born on the continent of Africa who has willingly or forcefully migrated and now resides outside of the continent;
Any individual born outside the continent of Africa with ties to any country on the continent;
Any individual born outside the continent of Africa with parents [living or dead] from any African country in Africa;
Any African descendant who was forcefully transported as a result of the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade into the Americas, Europe, or Asia.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: The ties that exist between the diaspora and the home continent need to be read as a statement of Truth, indisputable Facts.
The final agreed definition should therefore as its first and primary function recognize all who fall under the definition, embracing all whether or not as an individual they are Conscious of the unbreakable ties- their birthright and inheritance- this is why in my humble opinion it should be verifiable- because we are speaking about birthright and inheritance. (When in time these things are valued by us we will see the importance of verifiability- the non-Africans- particularly Eurasians know the value, hence the lengths they are prepared to go to create counterfeits; also the Jews verify through blood tests)…I think that the current definition that requires something of the diaspora is a secondary (important) sub-clause, that defines something slightly different and should not be a qualifier to their birthright status- However, we do need to reference as a subclause of what is to be the relationship going forwards (in time within the context of OurStory) between the continent and the diaspora. This is slightly different from who is the diaspora- this function of the diaspora will change according to the changing needs of the times going forwards.
This is expressed in the definition current form as those who are willing... Concern: to be willing is a beginning, but( African scholars have identified that )we need to be willing to operate through our African place of Being if we are to manifest change- we must be willing to re-establish the African worldview/ African world order that links all Africans to their origin, descent, and heritage if we are to do more than simply reinforce Eurocentric realities and worldview- this is the nature of the ongoing challenge... to make African's innumerable contributions to the world COUNT IN OUR FAVOUR- work in support of African upliftment and African created realities, rather than in support of the present reality created by former exploiters, thieves, rapists, colonizers, and enslavers.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The definition of African DIASPORA should be Africans who are now not residing in Africa. A sub- category should be for the stolen DESCENDANTS of African Slaves. These are the ones that are due REPARATIONS.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: Yes!

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: Black people globally living outside of Africa
Who are decent of Black Africans

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: Who we discussing
The Red, Black and Green
Red blood
Black people
Green land
KEMIT
diaspora
Black is our consciousness
Identity recognition?
Kemit Land of the Black
Which our great historians often refer to what’s in a name.
Ethiopia, a black man

Classical African civilization

Our Black African descent culture is different from White Arab African descent culture or Creek culture African descent.

We have as a people often referred to living the Black experiences
the key factors as included distinguishing us from other ethical historical facts from others all over the world, and no matter what continent, no matter the name, tribe, clan, city, state, country or continent
The description Black people,
is recognized and accepted, we all can recognize ourselves as Black people which is embedded from the beginning of time in our memories as experiences.
If we only use the name Africa, which is good name. We refer to Africa as a land mass not a people. Africa is a land which for over 1000 years, has not all been Black peoples,
was it always Blacks, what about Arab Africans or Arabs in Africa or Arabs in Egypt,(united republic of Arabs) Algeria, Morocco, Libya, or Tunis. We see that over 1000 years or so, they leave Africa or do we say return back and are they considered the same as us out of Africa

African experience most everyone today has experiences that no matter where we live, which language we speak, we know dark skin to be part in the proper understanding being black there is power in the tongue which ever language is used there is power in the thought- fullness that talks as a Black peoples experience.
to a term referred to as classical African civilization wish we all can recognize.

There’s power in the description of the Black Panther Party

Kemit the Black land or Black people.
There’s powerful vibrations in the knowledge chemistry that can be demonstrated.

A large number of us do know what it is or means on a global historical scale what it means to think or know what it means to say I am a African on the other hand a large number can say I am part of the Black experiences globally I decent from Africa.
Energy force, power, push, pull Black Powder call and respond rally shout Black Powder, rally rally, call to action Black Africa descents to
Powder
Calls you to Action

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: The African Diaspora is any African person who was born and residing out the continent of Africa. African diaspora can be identifying as the Descendants of African Slaves, born and residing out of the African continent not excluding the African immigrants.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: The Diaspora is any person who was born out the African Continent and have biological ties with the African Continent

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: This is my take on the subject.
The word diaspora can have a different meaning depending on the context.
Location, historical experience, culture, etc. are needed to contextualize; for it is about how and when this reality became our experience to this day.
From my point of view, the diaspora is composed of 2 distinct categories (which in my humble opinion, for more efficiency and ease must be treated from specific angles).
1) First use according to the biblical story - ref Christine Chevillon CNRS France : Diaspora are the dispersed, deported, exiled (or sent into captivity) this in fact refers to our Ancestors and us their descendants because today we are still in the Land of our captivity.
Our ancestors throught generation were cut off from all ties with our mother Land due to the artificial separation created with systematic mechanisms by the slave masters...
We have been stripped of our kingdoms, lands, names, cultures, traditions, spiritualities and we are still in the land of our captivity.

See traditional definition/Chevillon Christine/CNRS :
“...The etymology of the word dates back to the Septuagint Bible, a known Greek translation of biblical texts in Hebrew and Aramaic written by Greek-speaking Jewish clerics. The word “diaspora” is formed from the Greek verb speiren (to sow) and more precisely from the compound verb diaspirein (to disseminate). According to sources, it concerns either the exile from Babylon and the dispersion of the Jews after the destruction of the second temple in Jerusalem (Bruneau 2004: 8), or the threat of dispersion as divine punishment for Jews who do not respect the Law of God. (Dufoix 2011: 64). »

2) The diaspora: expatriates, migrants
Voluntary choice = + or - decision related to the economic situation, education
Choice of foreign host country = + or - choice of geographical freedom (often linked to the language of the colonizing countries)
Ties maintained or not with Mother Land... = free decision
Return or visit = free decision
Country, region, kingdom, village/families, friends ect: identified and tangible

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: I'm not sure, working on it.

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What is your definition of the African Diaspora?: All descendants of African descent that have either been forcibly removed, or voluntarily relocated, outside geographical Africa, this should also include "African Americans" who have yet a viable government in which to represent them in the international community.

Please share any thoughts or concerns about the definition of the Diaspora: "African Americans" are part of the Diaspora.

PLEASE GIVE US YOUR INPUT

Supporting the 8th Pan African Congress Part 1: Letters to Africans at Home and Abroad from the Council of Pan African Diaspora Elders

The Importance for the global African Community to Support the 8th PAC 1:

A Letter to Africans at Home and Abroad from the Council of Pan African Diaspora Elders

by Bro. Baya Kes-Ba-Me-Ra (Duane Bradford) - 

former President (Kichwa) Pan-African Associations of America

Pan-Africanism actually became a practice by the African people who experienced the African Slave Holocaust in the western hemisphere from North America to South America and in the Caribbean islands. African people, speaking different languages and coming from different ethnic groups, experienced the horrors of the African Slave Holocaust together without any differentiation of suffering and death.  They had to set their differences aside to survive this Maafa*.  Out of this need to survive under enslavement in North America, Mexico, Central and South America and throughout the Caribbean Islands, they became integrated African people.  

They resisted the horrors of the Maafa and fought back in all of these communities. This was an unconscious Pan-African resistance to those who would rob them of their humanity. 

Out of this resistance rose traditions of resistance that would not bow to the exploitation of their bodies, minds and spirits.  

Out of this tradition of resistance they produced great African minds that organized for resistance physically, intellectually, socially and spiritually.  

Out of this seed of resistance emerged African thinkers who wrote and preached the need for African people to collectively work to defend themselves in the western hemisphere and protect African people from the ongoing aggression against African people taking place in the western hemisphere and through colonialism in the Motherland.   

Names that emerged that spoke to this aggression included Prince Hall, Paul Cuffee, Bishop Henry M. Turner, John B. Russwurm, David Walker, John Chilembwe, Simon Kinbangu, Edward W. Blyden, Rev. Alexander Crummell, Benito Sylvain, Rev. Orishatukeh Faduma and Dr. Mojola Agbedi, and many others. 

Out of these ideas African intellectuals felt the need to meet to find solutions to this western aggression against the humanity of African people.  

In response, in England, the Afro-West Indian lawyer, Henry Sylvester Williams of Trinidad and Tobago, helped to form the African Association.  From July 23rd to the 25th, 1900 the African Association convened the Pan-African Conference (Congress) through the efforts of Henry Sylvester Williams and those men and women who made up the Pan-African Conference Committee of the time. Since the convening of the first Congress, African people have come together at different times to discuss, organize and unify to protect themselves against their exploitation and the exploitation of the lands and resources by others and thereby ensure a better future for African people.  

Now we convene the 8th Pan-African Congress Part 1, as recommended by His Excellency President Yoweri Museveni, endorsed by the Council of Elders and facilitated by the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI) to determine what we will do to protect, defend and build to our benefit rather than continue to benefit non-African people who are not interested in the development of African people on the continent nor in the Diaspora. 8PAC Part 1, with its focus on specific concrete actions, will be a turning point in the more than 400 years of Maafa.

Recognizing the mammoth weight, magnitude and responsibility to convene the 8PAC Part 1, we salute H.E. President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa for becoming just the third African President to host the Congress. We will convene once again with each other at the 8th Pan-African Congress Part 1 taking place  in Harare, Zimbabwe to take control of our economic destiny on our own terms as a global African people.  We will discuss the pathways to dual citizenship in addition to developing strategies to ensure that financial resources are shared between African people on the continent and in the diaspora for the sake of generations to follow.  These two conversations are critical to our ability to control our destiny on our terms within the global African community. 

 We are calling for African people in the Diaspora and in Mother Africa to support the convening of this 8th Pan-African Congress Part 1 by talking about it, discussing the issues that it will bring forth, and helping to organize pathways to dual citizenship and economic liberation.  It is only with your support that we can achieve these two goals in the years to come.

This is a call to unity no matter what other beliefs you may have. In indigenous African thinking there is a philosophy that best defines what we must do and why we must do it for the sake of future generations of African children in the Diaspora and on the African continent.  It is Ubuntu which states, “I am because we are, therefore we are because I am.” That is the spirit with which we convene this 8th Pan-African Congress Part 1.  Join us because we have the opportunity to build a future that our children will sing about for generations to come.

Yours in African Ascendancy, In Ubuntu, The Council of Pan African Diaspora Elders

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A Letter to Pan Africanists

by Dr. David L. Horne, Ph.D, - 

Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC) and Pan African Diaspora Union (PADU)

Dear Pan Africanists,

Whether one espouses and works on Pan Africanism as an ideology, a philosophy, a theoretical position, a form of ubuntu, or through a programmatic perspective of some kind, wanting—no, needing—some specificity in steps forward is critically important now more than ever. The wolves of the world are antsy again, and Africa looks especially appetizing in resources and human capital. Africans worldwide (those resident and nonresident) must unite in common effort to help build the Africa we want (and need) in this world.

A group of Africanists led by Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao, President of the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI), is planning a massive Ndaba in Zimbabwe (calling it 8th PAC, Part I) in a few months that should help chart the way forward. We, who are practical Pan Africanists and not inclined to quibble over the small stuff, support the call for this gathering out of which should come positive agreements for present and future Pan African work.  We urge you to join us.  

H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, President of the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI); Damian Cook, Vice-President of the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI); Siphiwe Baleka, ADDI 8th PAC Part 1 Coordinator and President, Balanta B’urassa History & Genealogy Society; Aku A (Sharon Lee Minor) King - A Minor Enterprise, Founder/Consultant USA; Sydney Samuels - Nelson Mandela Association, Guatemala; Melvin Brown - State of the African Diaspora (SOAD), President of Parliament, Panama; Cliff Kuumba - Maryland State Facilitator, Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), - Member, North America Regional Coordinating Committee, Pan African Federalist Movement (PAFM), - Moderator, Maryland Pan Afrikan Cooperative Coalition (MPACC); Bro. Baya Kes-Ba-Me-Ra (Duane Bradford) - Pan-African Associations of America, former President (Kichwa) USA; Sydney Francis - Central America Black Organizations (CABO); Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), Presidente ADEPHCA, Nicaragua; Tutmose Sankara (on behalf of Dr. Leonard Jeffries) - World African Diaspora Union (WADU); Atlanta Pan African Coalition, USA; Fabian Anthony - Pan-African Council , Chairman, South Africa; Hazel Marshall - African Cultural and Development Association (ACDA),Guyana; Eddly Hall Reid - Central America Black Organizations (CABO), Costa Rica; Mawlimu Mboya - USA/Guyana; Kwame Wilburg - Friends of the Congo, Member, Board of Directors; Coordinator, Atlanta Support Network, USA; Cletus Prince - CEOAfrica, Nigeria; Sis. Iman Uqdah Hameen- New York Organization of the Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC); Facilitator Emeritus (2006 – 2012) USA; Bongo Wisely Tafari - Caribbean Rastafari Organization (CRO), Chairman; Lazare Ki Zerbo - Joseph Ki-Zerbo International Center for Africa and its Diaspora (CIJKAD); Pan Afrikan Federalist Movement, Vice President, French Guiana; Mwalimu Kbailia - National Black Council of Elders, Presiding Elder, USA; Jocelyn Tchakounte - African Diaspora International Trade Association (ADITA), President, USA; Haki Ammi - Teaching Artist Institute, President, USA

ADD YOUR NAME TO THE LIST

Nkechi Taifa, Reparation Education Project

Maynard Henry, Maynard M. Henry, Sr., Attorney At Law, P.C.; National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in AmericaAgrippa Ezozo, ADDI

Dr.Hamet Maulana Maulana, Ministry of the Future (MOF)

Enola Aird, Community Healing Network

Professor Donnie I. Ali-McClendon, All-African People's Revolutionary Party

Kevin Edwards, ADDI

Sengbe El Bey, The Balanta B'urassa History and Genealogy Society in America

June Lewis, IDOAD Coalition UK

Gordon Manker, Balanta B’urassa History & Genealogy Society,

Andre Queen, Balanta B'urassa History & Geneology Society

Dr Victor Okhai, Directors Guild of Nigeria

Mar6 Sephocle, Howard University

LUCETT WATLERFORO NACIONAL DE MUJERES AFRODESCENDIENTES

Rev Edward Pinkney, Black Autonomy Network Community Organization

Jami Luqman, New Afrikan Network519 Association,USA

Dr. C Sade Turnipseed, Khafre Inc. / Sankofa Empowerment Initiative / Jackson State University

Beulah Okonkwo, NCOBRA

Queen Mother Wakeelah Martinez, The African American Council of Elders of South Central Kansas located in Wichita Kansas

Kofi Ansa, Balanta Brassa

Orrin Williams, CUT Chicago

Miguel Avila, Movimiento Federalista Panafricano de América Latina y el Caribe Hispano -MFPA/ALCH-Ecuador

Nicole Holmes, ADDI

Imhotep Alkebu-lan, UNIA-ACL

Baye Kesbamera, Pan-African Associations of America

Jocelyn Tchakounte, African Diaspora International Trade Association

Donald BROWN, Heritage Connection

ROY GUEVARA ARZU, MOVIMIENTO FEDERALISTA PAN AFRICANO DE AMERICA LATINA Y EL CARIBE HISPANO (MFPA/AL/CH) and AFROAMERICAXXI HONDURASM

Denise Lovett Hampton, Huduma Services

Sekani Perkins, (ADDI) African Diaspora Development Institute & (ADNC) African Diaspora Nation Coalition

Kandace Walker, Sojourner Enterprise

Christopher Buchanan El, C&M Interior Design Enterprises LLC

ABENA DISROE, A-APRP & DCHA CITY-WIDE ADVISORY BOARD

Thomas L. Mitchell, MPW Advisors, LLC.

Michael Barber, Industrial Workers of the World

Laurie A Calkins, LN2S Consulting L.L.C., ADDI Member

Council of Pan African Diaspora Elders forms to support the 8th Pan African Congress Part 1 to be held in Harare, Zimbabwe

For the meaning of this message communicated in the West Afrikan Adinkra Symbols, see below.

Sunday, March 5 - A PAN AFRICAN VETERANS CONSULTATION AHEAD OF THE 8TH PAC PART 1 was held on in order to bring several Pan African groups and stakeholders in the African Union 6th Region Diaspora Initiative together for a demonstration of Pan African Unity. The meeting was called under the theme, “Unity does not require homogeneity, but it does require solidarity of purpose”.

The meeting was organized by Siphiwe Baleka, the Agenda Coordinator for the 8PAC1 and Cliff Kuumba, Maryland State Facilitator, Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), Member, North America Regional Coordinating Committee, Pan African Federalist Movement (PAFM), and Moderator, Maryland Pan Afrikan Cooperative Coalition (MPACC).

The meeting was attended by the following:

H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, President of the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI)

Damian Cook, Vice-President of the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI)

Siphiwe Baleka, ADDI 8th PAC Part 1 Coordinator; President, Balanta B’urassa History & Genealogy Society in America

Aku A (Sharon Lee Minor) King - A Minor Enterprise, Founder/Consultant USA

Sydney Samuels - Nelson Mandela Association, Guatemala

H.E. Vice Prime Minister Keturah Amoako - State of the African Diaspora (SOAD)

Melvin Brown - State of the African Diaspora (SOAD), President of Parliament, Panama

Cliff Kuumba - Maryland State Facilitator, Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), - Member, North America Regional Coordinating Committee, Pan African Federalist Movement (PAFM), - Moderator, Maryland Pan Afrikan Cooperative Coalition (MPACC)

Bro. Baya Kes-Ba-Me-Ra (Duane Bradford) - Pan-African Associations of America, former President (Kichwa) USA

Sydney Francis - Central America Black Organizations (CABO); Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus (SRDC), Presidente ADEPHCA, Nicaragua

Tutmose Sankara (on behalf of Dr. Leonard Jeffries) - World African Diaspora Union (WADU); Atlanta Pan African Coalition, USA

Fabian Anthony - Pan-African Council , Chairman, South Africa

Hazel Marshall - African Cultural and Development Association (ACDA), Guyana

Eddly Hall Reid - Central America Black Organizations (CABO), Costa Rica

Dr. David Horne - Sixth Region Diaspora Caucus, Founder, USA

Mawlimu Mboya - USA/Guyana

Kwame Wilburg - Friends of the Congo, Member, Board of Directors; Coordinator, Atlanta Support Network, USA

H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao address to the gathered elders and Pan African veterans

After Mr. Baleka made his opening remarks, at 32:54 into the meeting, H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao addressed the gathered elders and Pan African Veterans.

“Thank you all the Pan Africanists who are on the call today. I appreciate all of the work that you all have been doing over the years. And while the mission is not yet accomplished, we are coming together today to see how we can continue the movement and hopefully, put us on a better path where the mission can be accomplished - maybe not during our time - but at least pave a clear path that we can leave behind for our children to continue the struggle. . . . “

INTRODUCTION TO THE 8TH PAC PART 1 COORDINATOR: SIPHIWE BALEKA

After opening the meeting with brief introductions, Mr. Baleka gave a brief history of his involvment with the AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative since its creation in Addis Ababa, 2003 as well as the circumstances which caused his disillusionment and withdrawal from it by 2007. As stated in Volume 3 of Siphiwe Baleka’s five volumes of Come Out of Her, My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy:

“On November 3 [2005], Ras Nathaniel [note: now known as Siphiwe Baleka] of the Issembly for Rastafari Iniversal Education (IRIE) met with Fred Oladiende, President of the Foundation for Democracy in Africa, and Anthony Okonmah, Executive Director of the Foundation for Democracy in Africa. The Foundation for Democracy in Africa is serving as the Secretariat for the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network (WHADN) of the African Union 6th Region Diaspora Initiative. Though not all the details have been finalized, IRIE and WHADN agreed to work together to implement a proposal to host African Union Educational Forums and Repatriation Census/Skills Database Workshops throughout the African Diaspora in the Western Hemisphere in 2006. Members of R.A.S.T.A. Inc and the Rastafari Community of South Florida were briefed on the meeting with WHADN (which has an office in Miami) and reasoned on the necessity of mobilizing a United Rastafari Front in support of this effort. IRIE hopes to sign the agreement with WHADN soon.”

The Memorandum of Understanding with WHADN was in fact signed on December 23, 2005. Among other things, the MOU stated, 

“NOW, THEREFORE, WE, the undersigned affix our signatures in agreement to work jointly in support of each other and the people of Africa and of African descent this 23rd day of December 2005 in Washington, DC, United States of America. Specifically, we will join our efforts in taking the following steps: 

1. Assist the African Union in fulfilling the Final Report of the African Union Technical Workshop on the Relationship with the Diaspora June 2-5, 2004, (Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago) Recommendation in section 52.ii and section 56.ii and iii . . . . 

6. Prepare to launch the Series of Educational Workshops On The African Union 6th Region Diaspora Initiative & Repatriation Census/Central Diaspora Resource Skills Bank on the occasion of the Bob Marley’s 61st Birthday Tribute and in conjunction with the “Africa Unite” concerts in Ghana, beginning February 6, 2006 and culminating in October, 2006 ( a nine-month campaign). . . .

8. Ras Nathaniel, IRIE Coordinator, will serve as the Lead Project Director.”

On April 13, 2006, David Horne published the article “THE AFRICAN UNION COMES TO TOWN” that stated, 

‘This weekend in Los Angeles, at the First Annual Pan African ROUNDTABLE/FORUM, a representative from the African Union's Secretariat (called WHADN, or Western Hemisphere African Diasporan Network) will explain the African Union's position and some African Consensus decisions will be made concerning how to achieve the necessary diasporan representation. . .  The AU is currently establishing several Diasporan Secretariats in various parts of the world to help to facilitate bringing the diasporans into this process. There is one already established for the Western Hemisphere (in Washington, D.C.) called the WHADN, one being established for Europe, and one being set up in Ghana (to assist with Ghana's Joseph Plan strategy to attract diasporans back to Ghana and to Africa as a whole). The WHADN (Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network) out of Washington, D.C. has a mandate to help diasporans organize themselves in five sub-regions-- Canada, the United States, Latin America/Central America, the Caribbean, and Brazil. The WHADN has a fully formed calendar of educational trips planned for 2006 to disseminate accurate information about the AU and the diaspora, and the trips have already started (Howard University, Harvard University, community groups in Connecticut, etc.) There have been several pivotal meetings thus far to push this agenda forward. . . .The Pan African ROUNDTABLE/FORUM in Los Angeles on April 7-8th will engage in an African Consensus process to try and arrive at an effective methodology that we can use in the USA. There will be a follow-up meeting in Miami this summer, and another in Ghana towards the end of the summer. Whatever tangible results come out of these and other gatherings will quickly be submitted to all identifiable and progressive Black organizations, clubs, groups and associations in the USA for their input, then a firm decision will be made, and the invitation will be accepted. . . . There are not any plans now nor will there be in the future for a single representative from the USA to discuss and negotiate our interests at AU meetings. Currently, for one AU Commission alone (ECOSOCC), there will be at least 20 representatives from the Western Hemisphere, and there are several other commissions, numerous committees and projects, and of course the All African Parliament itself. The exact number of representatives is in flux. Our priority is to come up with an agreed-upon method of selecting trusted representatives to the AU, whatever the final number, without letting ourselves drown in our own egotism, faded rivalries, inappropriate ideological assassinations, and other forms of PTSS (Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome) unreadiness.”

Volume 4 of Siphiwe Baleka’s five volumes of Come Out of Her, My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy states:

“The Pan African Community Coalition (PACC) and the Pan Afrikan Organizing Committee (PAOC) invited I, as the Director of the African Union 6th Region 2006 Education Campaign, to the New York Town Hall Meeting on Saturday, January 6, 2007, to discuss the election of New York's African Diasporan Representatives to the African Union (AU). . . . And at the start of this new millennium, we have all the ingredients that were not there when Malcolm tried to do it, when Marcus tried to do it. All the ingredients are there now, and the Diaspora has to do its part. We are not to be pimped just for our money or technical know-how. We are long lost kin and bredren, and the continent can't be right spiritually, until our relationship is repaired. And until it is spiritually right, you are not going to have the economic and social development. . . . . You are here for a reason. The responsibility is now on you, to get it out to New York, say look, this is what's happening, here's the information . . . . New York is now the second . . . to call a meeting to elect its representatives. . . . Now technically, by the definition of the AU ECOSOCC statutes -- I am thirty-five years old -- I am considered to be a youth. I am your child of Pan Africanism in the sense that it was my generation that had the benefit of the Black Studies movement, where we would actually grow up reading books from our own Black fighters, academics, and intellectuals, and learn about Pan Africanism. As a youth, what we want to see, all of these entrenched camps that are Pan Africanists and Black Nationalists, because of the historical imperative, to exhibit some Jubilee Grace and come to the table. WE DON'T CARE who did the most this, the most that, but you are still fighting, and we can't actually see the example of Pan Africanism because not all the groups will come and sit under one roof. As the youth with connections with youth all over the African Diaspora, we are asking all the Elders in the Pan African Movement, all the groups and organizations to do this for us, for the youth. When you call your meeting in New York, have everyone there. If we could get just one state, one place, to demonstrate that, and have THAT vibration spread . . . . So I just want to encourage this Pan African spirit coming from the youth. What is the meaning of your Pan Africanism, if you are out there trumpeting Pan Africanism and yet you won't meet with the other groups because of some past history you had? Meanwhile, all the ingredients are there, and there is this historical imperative that trumps all of that. I am making a special appeal. That's what Malcom X asked for when he tried to do this and formed the OAAU modeled on the OAU. He tried to do it and it didn't happen. So here we are at the start of a new century, a new millennium, we have all the ingredients, and everyone must put forward their best, good-faith effort in the spirit of Pan Africanism." When I finished, there was applause and some questions. Then the town hall meeting discussed the formation of the Community Council of Elders (CCE) that would conduct the election of AU Representatives at the Caucus called specifically for that purpose after the Town Hall Meeting. Fifteen (15) elders who were present then formed the CCE and accepted nominations for New York's Representatives to the AU Sub-Regional Caucus-USA. More than twenty people were nominated including Elder Adunni, Elombre Brath, Gil Noble, Alton Maddox, Gwendolyn Black, Camille Yarborough, Omawale Clay, and Ras E. S. McPherson. January 27th was set as the date for the next CCE meeting and the close of the nomination period.”

In the Report to the Rastafari Family Worldwide: CABO XIIth Assembly in La Ceiba, Honduras (documented in Volume 4), Ras Nathaniel (Siphiwe Baleka) states, 

“I was blessed to have as a roommate an elder of the Pan African movement named Dr. Pauulu Kamarakafego. CEO of the Pan-African Movement to the United Nations, Dr. Pauulu Kamarakafego has served as a councilor, consultant, official and friend to such people as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Neyere, CLR James, Walter Rodney, various African liberation movements, the list is very, very long. Dr. Kamarakafego was responsible for organizing the 6th Pan African Congress in Tanzania in 1974. According to Naiwu Osahon of The World Pan African Movement, "Pauulu Kamarakafego (Roosevelt Brown) who still represents us now at the UN . . . was the pioneer sponsor of the 6th PAC.” . . . After I and Dr. David Horne of the Pan African Organizing Committee (PAOC) made the presentation on the African Union (AU) 6th Region, the CABO Plenary approved that their voting delegates could select Central America's representatives to ECOSOCC within the next three months.  No argument, no problem, just a recognition of the task at hand and empowerment to do it.”

It should be noted that Dr. Horne, Sydney Fancis, and Eddly Hall Reid, who were present at the CABO 12th Assembly in 2006 were also present at this Pan African Veterans meeting.

BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka Presents "Ethnocide: Genocide's Twin Sister" at the 9th Annual Genocide and Human Rights Research Conference

On February 24, 2023, BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka joined lawyers, scholars and activists from around the world at the 9TH ANNUAL GENOCIDE AND HUMAN RIGHTS RESEARCH CONFERENCE held at Northeastern Illinois University in Chicago, IL. According to Mr. Baleka,

“While genocide has and is being committed against Afro Descendants in the United States, as a legal strategy to secure reparatory justice, genocide campaigns have not succeeded. No case has yet been brought before the International Court of Justince (ICJ) on our behalf. However, due to new dna testing technology and genealogy research, it is now much easier to prove that ethnocide has been committed at both the individual and group level and this is generally accepted by the international community. Therefore, we should switch from genocide campaigns to ethnocide campaigns in international forums and especially at the ICJ. It’s a much better strategy.”

Mr. Baleka’s presentation

“Ethnocide: Genocide’s Twin Sister”

Taking the Afro Descendants Case to the International Court of Justice: A Peoples' Mandate Issued to the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

UPDATE:

The Mandate was delivered to and received by PFPAD on April 5, 2023

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LETTER TO PFPAD FROM

H.E. AMBASSADOR ARIKANA CHIHOMBORI-QUAO

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Please endorse the Mandate by completing the form below and circulating widely

A MANDATE FROM THE AFRO DESCENDANT PEOPLE ISSUED TO THE PERMANENT FORUM ON PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT TO REQUEST AN ADVISORY OPINION FROM THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ON THEIR STATUS AS PRISONERS OF WAR UNDER THE GENEVA CONVENTION

After taking the floor at the First Session of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent (PFPAD) on December 6, 2022, Siphiwe Baleka, President of the Balanta B’urassa History & Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA) said

“we call on this Forum to vigorously request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on our status as prisoners of war under the Geneva Convention as well as our right to conduct plebiscites for self determination including the right to secede from the jurisdictions of colonial successor states in the Western hemisphere and form our own independent governments.” 

At that moment, on behalf of people of African Descent, Mr. Baleka invoked the mandate of the PFPAD “To request the preparation and dissemination of information by the United Nations system on issues relating to people of African descent . . . .”

In his closing remarks to the First Session entitled “Reparatory Justice and Sustainable Development: A Way Forward?”,  PFPAD member Michael McEachrane stated, 

“We, the Members of the Forum,. . .  propose that the legal and institutional grounds for pursuing reparatory justice at the UN be examined to both clarify the possibilities of pursuing reparatory justice at the UN and the International Court of Justice . . . .”

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) states on its website, 

“Since States alone are entitled to appear before the Court, public (governmental) international organizations cannot be parties to a case before it. However, a special procedure, the advisory procedure, is available to such organizations and to them alone. This procedure is available to five United Nations organs, fifteen specialized agencies and one related organization. . . . Advisory proceedings begin with the filing of a written request for an advisory opinion addressed to the Registrar by the United Nations Secretary-General or the director or secretary-general of the entity requesting the opinion.”

UN Charter Article 96 states: 

1. The General Assembly or the Security Council may request the International Court of Justice to give an advisory opinion on any legal question. 

2. Other organs of the United Nations and specialized agencies, which may at any time be so authorized by the General Assembly, may also request advisory opinions of the Court on legal questions arising within the scope of their activities.

Further, Resolution 75/314. Establishment of the Permanent Forum of People of African Descent emphasizes the opportunity for “the implementation of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action” and the CHAIRPERSON’S PREPARATORY DOCUMENT FOR THE DRAFT UNITED NATIONS DECLARATION ON THE PROMOTION  AND FULL RESPECT OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS OF PEOPLE OF AFRICAN  DESCENT states, 

“Reaffirming that the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, adopted in 2001, and the outcome document of the Durban Review Conference, adopted in 2009, as well as the political declarations on the occasion of the tenth and twentieth anniversaries of the adoption of the  Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, provide a comprehensive United Nations framework and solid foundation for combating racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and  related intolerance, and reaffirm our commitment to their full and effective implementation;”

Accordingly, the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action (DDPA) states, 

“104. We also strongly reaffirm as a pressing requirement of justice that victims of human rights violations resulting from racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, especially in the light of their vulnerable situation socially, culturally and economically, should be assured of having access to justice, including legal assistance where appropriate, and effective and appropriate protection and remedies, including the right to seek just and adequate reparation or satisfaction for any damage suffered as a result of such discrimination, as enshrined in numerous international and regional human rights instruments, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;”

Finally, The US Government has stated in the Brief in Support of Motion to Quash Indictment for Lack of Jurisdiction Under Article III, U.S. Constitution Brought by the Defendant (Imari Obadele and Gaidi Obadele) that

"the issue of whether black folks now within the United States have ever been converted, in accordance with settled principles of universally established law, into United States citizens, and divested altogether of their original foreign African nationality". . . . "is a matter of law."

The recognition that the question must be settled in accordance with principles of universally established law thereby requires that it can not be answered in any domestic court and must be settled at the ICJ.

Thus, our mandate to the PFPAD to request an advisory opinion from the ICJ rests on a solid institutional basis. As a rule of the ICJ, organizations and States authorized to participate in Advisory proceedings may submit written statements. Therefore, included in this mandate are the following written statements that can serve as an initial basis for assembling all the necessary information about the Afro Descendants’ status under the Geneva Convention:

1. NEW AFRIKAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT AND HUMAN RIGHTS: Statement to the 20th session of the UN Intergovernmental Working Group on the Effective Implementation of the Durban Declaration

2. Siphiwe Baleka Statement to the 1st Session of the UN Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

3. THE PERMANENT FORUM ON PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT, THE DURBAN DECLARATION, REPATRIATION AND PLEBISCITE FOR SELF DETERMINATION

4. The African American Case for Independence at the International Court of Justice

The specific claims which require an ICJ advisory opinion are summarized as:

Summary

1. 𝐀𝐋𝐋 𝐝𝐞𝐬𝐜𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐤𝐢𝐝𝐧𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐝, 𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐫𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐳𝐞𝐝, 𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐟𝐟𝐢𝐜𝐤𝐞𝐝 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐢𝐫 𝐡𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐀𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐧 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐞𝐧𝐬𝐥𝐚𝐯𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐀𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐬, known as Afro Descendants in international forums, are prisoners of the declared Dum Diversas War.

2. Afro Descendants owe no allegiance to any Nation’s laws.

3. At the end of the US Civil War, the United States legislated voluntary, compensated repatriation and ceded territory for New Afrikan self-governing territories in pursuit of independence.

4. The assassination of President Lincoln led to a campaign of fraud and terror to deny New Afrikan’s right to return to their homeland, reduce the status of the recently established self-governing territories, and deny the full recognition of the New Afrikan’s political rights.

5. Cyril Briggs, W.E.B. DuBois and Marcus Garvey advocated for New Afrikan self-government and independence, the latter two petitioning the League of Nations for justice and for self determination. The United States, however, refused to sign a special treaty agreeing to the international protection of its internal minorities. 

6. The United States failed its sacred trust obligation under the UN Charter Chapter XI Article 73 to promote New Afrikan well-being and to “develop self-government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions.” It further failed to declare New Afrikan territories as trust territories, under UN Charter, Chapter XII Article 77.1.c trusteeship system.

7. The United States continues to violate the human rights, and in particular, the political rights, of New Afrikan/AfroDescendant peoples by continuing the campaign of fraud and terror limiting their political rights only to citizenship in the United States when it should be honoring its commitments to voluntary repatriation with compensation and recognition of New Afrikan self-governing territories made at the conclusion of the Civil War.

8. The Permanent Forum of People of African Descent (PFPAD) can request a special advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the New Afrikan status as prisoners of war under the Geneva Convention and the necessity of holding a plebiscite to determine their collective political destiny.

9. CONCLUSION: The United States territory is an acquisition of legal title by conquest that has been rejected as anachronistic and contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. Afro Descendant/New Afrikan presence on said territory is the result of a declaration of total war and the subsequent “Trans Atlantic Slave Trade” that has been acknowleged as a crime against humanity both now and then. Territorial acquisitions or other advantages gained through the threat or wrongful use of force cannot have legal effect, because international law cannot confer legality upon the consequences of wrongful acts incompatible with the Charter. In such cases, there should be full restitution. To claim that our status is “American citizen” is to confer legality on an acquisition of territorial legal title by conquest, a crime against humanity, and a campaign of fraud and terror by the government of the United States of America (after the assassination of President Lincoln and the 14th Amendment).

10. An ICJ opinion that descendants of the people kidnapped, terrorized, tortured and  trafficked from their homelands on the African continent and enslaved in the Americas are in fact “prisoners of war” until their “final release and repatriation” under the Geneva Convention will provide legal clarity for reparatory justice for all Afro Descendant people.

Endorsed by:

Kenniss Henry, National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (NCOBRA)

Maynard Henry, National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (NCOBRA)

Efia Nwangaza, Malcolm X Center for Self Determination

Nkechi Taifa, Reparation Education Project

Senghor Baye, UNIA-ACL RC2020

Esther Stanford-Xosei, Global Afrikan Peoples Parliament.

Jalil Muntaqim, Spirit of Mandela Committee, National Jericho Movement, the Peoples’ Senate

HE Amb. Rev. KWAME KAMAU, International Civil Society Working Group - UN Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

Marlon Miller, Bahamas National Reparation Committee

Fabien Anthony, Pan-African Council

Kamm Howard, Reparations United

Ade Olaiya, UNESCO Inclusive Policy Lab

Niambi Hall-Campbell Dean, Bahamas National Reparations Committee

Steve Reid, Caribbean Rastafari Organisation Inc.

KWAME-OSAGYEFO KALIMARA, New Afrikan People's Organization/Malcolm X Grassroots Movement

Saikou Ak Jallow, Movement for Social Justice MS-J4 Gambia

June Lewis, IDPAD Coalition UK

Dr. Wade Nobles, Professor Emeritus of Black Psychology and Africana Studies

Kali Akuno, Cooperation Jackson

Miguel Angel Avila Nazareno., Movimiento Federalista Panafricano de América Latina y el Caribe Hispano -MFPA/ALCH-Ecuador.

Morgan Moss JR, Ubuntu National & International Trade & Education (UNITE)

Nina Womack, Transmedia 360

Camara Jules P Harrell, Howard University Department of Psychology

Augustin F C Holl, Xiamen University, China

Patricia Silva, Stichting Black Matters, the Netherlands

Renate Brison, Pro Soualiga Foundation, St. Martin

Jami Luqman, New Afrikan Network 519 Association

Tafari Thompson, The Ethiopia Africa Black International Congress, Bahamas

Mickey Bowe, House Of Rastafari Bahamas. Ethiopia Africa black international Congress

Darren Crenshaw, Street Salvation Ministries NGO

NZABI MISAMU, DYNAMIC MATONGE, Belgium

Dana Dennard, Aakhet Center For Human Development

Omowale Afrika, Afrikan War College

Mwalimu Kabaila, Presiding Elder, National Black Council of Elders

Cheryl Grills, Loyola Marymount University

NNAMDI Ture, All African People Revolutionary Party

Ashraf Cassiem, Anti Eviction Campaign

Laurel Klafehn, Immigrant Freedom Fund of Colorado

Daïana GOMES, RepatBissau

Eric Phillips, Guyana Reparations Committee

Dawn Demeritte, The Bahamas National Reparation Committee

Woody Carter, Bay Area Black United Fund

Kevin Washington, Grambling State Univeversity/Roots Afrika

Kandace Walker, Sojourner Enterprise

Confidence Okeke, UNIAACL-EACL

John Ratcliff, Attorney at Law (retired)

Melvin Robinson, Original Flavor ~ Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, Inc. (Eta Nu Nu & Iota Psi Chapters) ~ Artists4AfricA ~ New Harvest Urban Arts Center ~ All Revolutionary Qulture Liberation Lab

Ikemba Agulu, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement

Kwasi Akwamu, Obadele Society

Donald Mitchell, Osa Meji Temple

Elsie Gayle, Mothers and Midwives Together across the Diaspora

MARIE-LYNE CHAMPIGNEUL, Kartyé Lib Mémoire & Patrimoine Océan Indien

Joe Washington, The Nia Foundation

MaryJo Copeland, Racial Reconciliation Group

King Robinson TANYI TAMBE AYUK, AIGC- African Indigenous Governance Council

Davidson Madira, Digital Green Investment Agency (DIGIA)

Olusola Oni, Omo Yoruba Tooto

Sunny Lambe, Building Blocks Initiative

Enpress Judah, Black Community Health Group, UK

Ann-Marie Cousins, Greenwich African Caribbean Organisation (GACO)

Niamo Muid, The HealMobile

Alex Richards, Collectivité d'Outre Mer de Saint-Martin

Dorbrene O'Marde, Antigua and Barbuda Reparations Support Commission

Kevin Edwards, African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI), Antigua

Edison Marqués Cortez, Asociación de la Unidad Afroamericana (AUAA), Ecuador

Marion Thandabantu Iverson, Independent Labor & Human Rights Educator

Tongo Eisen-Martin, Black Alliance for Peace

Teniqua Pope, Black Alliance for Peace

Michelle McCormick, Cooperation Vermont

GARNET KING, BLACK RIDERS LIBERATION PARTY

CF WHITE, Educational Training Consultants

Melanie Bush, May First Movement Technology +++

Evelyn Johnson, United Black American Progress Association

Betty Davis, New Abolitionist Movement

Krishna Daly, Black alliance for peace

Aleta Toure, Parable of the Sower Intentional Community Cooperative

Ashaki Binta, NBLM National Unity Initiative

Netfa Freeman, Pan-African Community Action (PACA)

Angaza Sababu Laughinghouse, NC Public Service Workers Union-UE LOCAL 150 and Black Workers For Justice

Kimberly Monroe, Pan-African Community Action

Pamela Dominguez, Reborn From Authentic Roots

Tyari Heard, BAP

Zizwe Tchiguka, All African People's Revolutionary Party

Matt Meyer, International Peace Research Association

Gabriel Dzodom, Black Alliance for Peace

Gus Griffin, Ujima People's Progress Party

Claire M. Cohen, Pittsburgh Black Workers Center

Cleo Silvers, Radical Elders

Jermaine St. Rose, Ethiopia Africa Black International Congress Church of Salvation - Barbados/Ethiopia

Larsene Taylor, BWFJ

Aisha Mohammad, Oakland Jericho

Joya Brandon, Osha N’ile

Maryse Isimat-Mirin, Ass. Bien-être et Éducation

G. Eveta Morrison, The Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated

Victoria Jenkins, NABWS

Vanessa Sparks, United African Coalition for Human Rights

Anjel Clark, IDIA

Allendy Decopin, The Black Alliance for Peace

Christopher Buchanan El, Parliament Organics - non-profit

Rasheed Van Putten, Pan-African Community Action

Harold Welton, Coalition To Free Ruchell Magee.org

Ellen Rollins, NAJLCA.org

Charles Hill, Soarase Inc.

RALPH POYNTER, LYNNE STEWART ORG. & NEW ABOLITIONIST MOVEMENT

Kade Griffiths, Spectre Journal

Tejvir Grewall, KPFK 90.7FM

Curtis Murphy, Fihankra Ghana

Judah Bouguila, The Observatory to defend the right to difference Tunisia

Sanyika Bryant, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement

Gwendolyn Hallsmith, Global Community Initiatives

Evan Wright, Black Alliance for Peace

Kazembe Balagun, Independent Scholar Activist

Sean Fabien, Cooperation Jackson

Elaf Alnayer, Pan African Forum-Sudan Sudan

Avani Pisapati, Lehigh University

Molefi Askari, Ubuntu Institute for Community Development

Priscilla Ferreira, Collective Diaspora-Brazil

Eleanor Finley, University of Massachusetts, Amherst

Michael Guynn, THE GUYNN FAMILY FOUNDATION

Kevin Collins, Roots in Guinea Bissau

Afia Khalia Kodua, Black August of L.A.

Egbert Higinio, The Garifuna Nation

Jeanne Ayivorh, RRG

Egbert R Higinio, President The Garifuna Nation

Robin Benton, ICSWG PFPAD

Liz Millman, Learning Links International UK

Garrick Prayogg, Cultural Diversity Network UK

Khalifa Losene Dunor, United African Organization For Literacy Development UAOLD Liberia

Asundep Ntui, AFRICAN DIASPORA DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE

and many more!

Add your name and organisation to the list that will be regularly updated until March 31!

Letter to Pan Africanists Concerning the Upcoming Pan African Congress in Harare, Zimbabwe Later This Year

Siphiwe Baleka with H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao and Damian Cook, ADDI Vice President, February 12, 2023

Later this year, the government of Zimbabwe will be hosting the “8th Pan African Congress Part 1”. More than 800 delegates from the African Diaspora and Africa will convene for the sole purpose of further establishing the AU 6th Region and creating a comprehensive African Diaspora Citizenship Policy for the African Union. The initiative comes from Uganda President Yoweri Museveni and Her Excellency, Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, the former AU Ambassador to the United States who has become a voice and champion of the African Diaspora and the African Union 6th Region. Many grassroots Pan African activists are asking questions about the event which I have addressed in the article From the 8th Pan African Congress in 2014 to the 8th Pan African Congress in 2023.

As the Chairperson of the Congress Agenda Steering Committee, I would like to say a few things in hopes of rallying the entire African Diaspora to a most historic moment. 

Twenty years ago, on February 4th, 2003, I was the sole representative of the African Diaspora in attendance at the First Extra-Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of the African Union meeting in Addis  Ababa, Ethiopia. That summit adopted the historic Article 3(q) that officially, “invite(s) and encourage(s) the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent.” From this decision, the African Diaspora would eventually become designated as the 6th Region of the African Union.

The AU 6th Region Education Campaign was launched in 2006 which attempted to organize the African Diaspora to begin working within the African Union as its 6th Region to create the “Africa We Want.”  Our original task was to organize ourselves and elect twenty representatives to the AU Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) that was designated for African civil society participation within the African Union. Until now, those elections have not been concluded and those positions have never been filled. It should be recalled that inclusion in ECOSOCC was only meant to be the first step in becoming full partners in the African Union and the development of our motherland.

As many people remember, H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao was removed from her position as the AU Ambassador to the United States at a time when she was fiercely exposing the neo-colonialist exploitation against African people. Her three-year tenure, however, gave her the experience and insight into what needed to be done in order to unite the African Diaspora to take its place at the table inside the African Union.

Now is the moment to implement what I am calling Ambassador Chihombori-Quao’s “Get the Keys Strategy”. Instead of shouting from outside the African Union about a broad host of issues, now is the moment when the African Diaspora can accomplish two objectives: first, establish a continental diaspora citizenship policy that will create four pathways based on investment, work, residency and/or dna under the principle of the “Right to Return”. The four pathways, taken together, allows for every African Diaspora to obtain citizenship to the country of their choice or ancestry regardless of one’s circumstances. The second objective is to establish the equality of the AU 6th Region with the other five regions within the African Union by establishing Ambassadors at the AU Permanent Representatives Council (PRC) and throughout all the other AU organs and establishing an AU 6th Region Headquarters outside of Africa. This is the LIMITED OBJECTIVE of the upcoming Pan African Congress in Harare, Zimbabwe and will open the door for the African Diaspora to physically enter the continent and to administratively begin to assist in governing the continent.

After spending five days in intense strategy sessions with Ambassador Chihombori-Quao, it is my firm belief that her “Get the Keys Strategy” is the historical imperative of the moment. The entire African Diaspora must rally behind this. 

As my article highlights, there are contradictions and differences within the African Diaspora. However, this is the moment we must exercise our understanding that unity does not require homogeneity, but it does require solidarity of purpose. 

The previous Pan African Congresses had a much broader agenda with differences of opinion. The upcoming Congress has a limited agenda, thus breaking with tradition in order to achieve a result that the entire African Diaspora desires: citizenship in our ancestral homeland. Again, this can be achieved now, but only if we come together and perform well.

There will be some conflict over the Congress’s connection to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. There may be arguments over whether or not the Congress should be called the 8th PAC, the 9th PAC or even be called a PAC at all. Some veterans of the Pan African movement may feel slighted that, until now, they were not consulted from the start. And perhaps there may be many more objections. 

What is important, however, is that we now have a Champion who knows what to do and how to do it. Ambassador Chihombori-Quao has support from current and past African Presidents who are ready to move the needle IF we come together and unite under a congress that is truly representative of the entire African Diaspora. The Congress’s Harare Declaration that includes the African Diaspora Citizenship Policy recommendations will then be submitted by the President of Zimbabwe to the African Union General Assembly in July for adoption. The stronger the unified support of the Congress, the more likely the African Diaspora Citizenship Policy will be accepted by the African Union. Therefore, we must put aside all other concerns to achieve this objective.  All Pan Africanists, heed the call. 

During the next seven weeks leading up to the Congress, there will be open Preparatory Meetings each Saturday to debate and contribute input on each of the specific Agenda items. All Pan Africansits and African Diasporans are invited to make this the most inclusive Pan African Congress in history. If you agree, please register your name and organization below.

Siphiwe Baleka, Coordinator, Chairperson of the Congress Agenda Steering Committee

8th PAC Part 1 Agenda

Pathway to Dual-Citizenship for Continental Diaspora and Descendants of the formerly enslaved

Pathway 1: Investment 

Citizenship granted anywhere in Africa to African Diasporans who have bought a home, started a business, or invested $100,000 to $200,000 in one way or another in the country of their choice.

Pathway 2: Work

Citizenship granted anywhere in Africa to African Diasporans who have worked for three years in the country of their choice.

Pathway 3: Residency

Citizenship granted anywhere in Africa to African Diasporans that have lived in the country of their choice for three years.  For example, students, researchers, NGO workers, etc.

Pathway 4: DNA/ Right to Return 

Citizenship granted to a specific country to African Diasporans that have taken an African Ancestry DNA test and have either a maternal or paternal African lineage.

Pathway 5: Retirement

Citizenship granted anywhere in Africa to retirees upon submission of qualifying information

Diaspora Pan African Capital Fund, Diaspora Pan African Bank and Diaspora Preferential Investment Pathway for International Contracts 

Diaspora Pan African Capital Fund 

$100 a month from 1 million African Diasporans (0.4% of the African Diaspora population) is $100 million a month. That’s $1.2 billion a year and $6 billion in five years. Investment through the fund qualifies for citizenship through Pathway 1. At maturity, money is deposited in a bank in the country of choice.

Diaspora Pan African Bank 

We need a bank that can monetize gold. Currently only 2 foreign owned banks in Africa can do this. Remittances to go through this bank.

Diaspora Preferential Investment Pathway for International Contracts

Diaspora to receive 3 to 6 month exclusive right to bid on all International Contracts. Waived or reduced fees for registering a company or for acquiring permanent residency.

Introduction to the African Union 6th Region

Explanation of the African Union Five Regions

The Five Regions participation in the AU organs. 

Definition of the Diaspora 

The African Union defines the African Diaspora as "Consisting of people of African origin living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union."

AU 6th Region Ambassadors to the PRC 

The need to make the AU 6th Region equal in function to the other 5 regions through inclusion in all AU organs starting with the Permanent Representatives Council. 

Establishment of AU 6th Region and 9th REC Headquarters 

Just as the 5 regions of the AU each have a headquarters within their region, so, too, must the AU 6th Region have a headquarters somewhere within its region such as the Caribbean. Headquarters to be financed by the Diaspora Pan African Fund with construction contributions from EU, OAS, CARICOM, AU and the host country.

Establishment of a Pan African TV and Radio Station/Network 

Nearly all organized efforts have a system of propaganda to convert people to their principles and get them to support them. Western Media, especially CNN, BBC, etc. has been and continues to be the highest form of systemic propaganda. That is why it is able in a major sense, to control the mind of the people of the world.Therefore, we must organize our propaganda to undo the propaganda of other people through a Pan African TV and Radio network that can rival CNN, BBC, etc.

Call to Action: 8PAC1

Letter to Pan Africanists Concerning the Upcoming Pan African Congress in Harare, Zimbabwe April 2023

TOWARDS THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1: LESSONS FROM THE 6TH PAC AND 7TH PAC

From the 8th Pan African Congress in 2014 to the 8th Pan African Congress in 2023

Outcome of the FIRST PREPARATORY MEETING FOR THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1 IN HARARE, ZIMBABWE

OUTCOME OF SECOND PREPARATORY MEETING FOR THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1 IN HARARE, ZIMBABWE

OUTCOME OF THE 3RD PREPARATORY MEETING FOR THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1: DIASPORA PAN AFRICAN CAPITAL FUND

OUTCOME OF THE 4TH PREPARATORY MEETING FOR THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1: PAN AFRICAN TV AND RADIO

5TH PREPARATORY MEETING FOR THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1: DEFINITION OF THE DIASPORA

COUNCIL OF PAN AFRICAN DIASPORA ELDERS FORMS TO SUPPORT THE 8TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS PART 1 TO BE HELD IN HARARE, ZIMBABWE

Council of Pan African Diaspora Elders Letter of Support to President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa of The Republic of Zimbabwe for the 8PAC1

DEFINING THE AFRO DESCENDANTS' RIGHT TO RETURN (RTR) TO THEIR ANCESTRAL HOMELANDS ON THE AFRICAN CONTINENT FOR THE 8PAC PART 1

The African Union and the African Diaspora - Tracking the AU 6th Region Initiative and the Right to Return Citizenship: A Resource for the 8th Pan African Congress Part 1 in Harare, Zimbabwe

To join the 8PAC1 Committees, email the Agenda Coordinator, email PAC8.1coord@ouraddi.org

PLEASE REGISTER YOUR SUPPORT OF THE PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS IN HARARE, ZIMBABAWE APRIL 2023

From the 8th Pan African Congress in 2014 to the 8th Pan African Congress in 2023

No, that’s not a typo. An 8th Pan African Congress was held in Johannesburg from January 14-16, 2014 under the theme “Mobilizing Global Africans, for Renaissance and Unity”. The 8th PAC was convened by a Preparatory Committee chaired by Professor Kwesi Kwaa Prah, Director of the Cenre for the Advanced Studies of African Society (CASAS). and brought together one hundred and twenty participants representing institutions and organizations of Africans from around the world. Participants came from Latin America, the Caribbean, USA, Europe, Asia, the Arab World and the African continent. The 8th PAC ended with a final recommendation for the establishment of a Council for African National Affairs (CANA).

However, according to the official website of the North American Delegation to the Pan African Congress International Preparatory Committee

“At the 2012 meeting of Pan Africanists to remember Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, there was a committee established to work to build the 8th Pan African Congress in Accra, Ghana and to link the movement back to the Nkrumah goals of full unification and emancipation. This goal was reaffirmed in 2013 when the AU celebrated its 50 years of unity and explicitly determined to bring back the Pan African Movement and Pan African agenda into the AU. These meetings in Addis Ababa brought out the reaffirmation of the vision of the African Union as that of: “An integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in global arena.”

A series of meetings were held with the surviving members of the International Governing Council and it was agreed to request the government of Ghana to host the 8th Pan African Congress and for a relocation of the Secretariat from Uganda to Accra, Ghana. By June 2014, there was an agreement on the Call for the 8th Pan African Congress emanating from the IGC.”

Stressing the mantra of the 7th Pan African Congress that there should be mass based organization, the call went out to all organizations and individuals to participate at the congress scheduled to be held in Accra, Ghana, 4-9 November 2014. The Call noted that “in keeping with the broad character of all previous congresses, 1900-1994, will be open to all shades of opinion, groups and individuals in the whole Pan African world. In addition, African governments on the continent and in the Diaspora will participate on an equal footing with other delegates. The African Union and its organs and institutions as well as regional economic blocs and platforms will also participate.”

Further, the Report of the First Preparatory Meeting of the North American Delegation to the 8th Pan African Congress in Accra-Ghana, Held at Howard University Blackburn Center, Washington DC, August 2, 2014 states,

“(Please note that the 8th PAC that was scheduled to take place in Ghana has been postponed. See details of our position on the PAC )

The first preparatory meeting of the North American Delegation to the 8th Pan African Congress in Accra, Ghana, was held at Howard University in Washington DC on August 2, 2014. Organized by the Pre-congress Preparatory Committee of the North American Delegation, the meeting was attended by over 80 persons. In attendance were representatives of national and international organizations such as the African Union, Baltimore Pan African Liberation Movement, Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), National Black United Front (NBUF-DC), Universal African People’s Organization (UAPO), the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party (AAPRP), United Nations Working Group for People of African Descent, the Maryland Coordinator from the 6th region, the December 12th Movement, the International Association Against Torture and the World African Diaspora Union (WADU).

The goal of the meeting was to mobilize Pan African organizations and activists in North America to organize and engage in the process and develop recommendations and strategies for incorporation into the deliberations at the 8th Pan African Congress scheduled to take place in Accra Ghana.

Remarks
In his introductory remarks, Professor Horace Campbell, member of 8th PAC International Preparatory Committee and Governing Council, highlighted the historical importance of the Pan African Congress and the need for a robust participation of the Global African Family in the upcoming PAC in Ghana. Another member of the International Preparatory Committee, Professor Ikaweba Bunting, further emphasized the centrality of engaging different Pan African views, opinions, and constituencies in the process of the PAC – particularly with regard to what he called ‘the paradox of working with Africa’s political leaders and the nation states while also working to get rid of the same nation states. . . .’

The African Union was represented by its deputy ambassador to the United Nations, Ambassador Adonia Ayebare. The ambassador stressed the importance of engaging with the AU in the PAC preparatory process, while emphasizing that the pre-congress meeting was very important to the African Union. He also stated that the outcomes of the meeting would be an integral part of the PAC preparatory process.

Other international dignitaries at the meeting include Pan African activist from the Netherlands Beryl Biekman and Mireille Fanon Mendes-France, Chair of the UN Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent (WGPAD) and Chair of the Frantz Fanon Foundation. Ms. Biekman noted the importance of North American Pan Africanists for other regions, especially in the struggle against xenophobia and racism in Europe. She also emphasized the need to build a stronger relationship among the Global African Family to solidify the AU’s 6th Region in order to maintain a better engagement with the AU and Africa.”

OUR POSITION ON THE 8TH PAC: A CONGRESS OR A REGIONAL MEETING?

“A Congress or A Regional Meeting? The Position of the North American Delegation Regarding the March 2015 Pan African Meeting in Ghana

The North American Delegation strongly advocates for an 8th Pan African Congress that is consistent with the traditions of the Pan African liberation struggle and truly representative of the broader vision of Pan Africanism.

In April 1994, the 7th Pan African Congress concluded in Kampala, Uganda, with the adoption of 29 resolutions. This Congress and its resolutions were consistent with the process followed in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, for the 6th Pan African Congress, as well as the others that preceded it. All 29 resolutions of the 7th Pan African Congress were mechanisms that both addressed issues specific to some constituencies as well as the barriers to a more inclusive Global African community overall.

One of the key resolutions of the 7th Congress was the establishment of a Pan African Secretariat that would call, manage, and fund subsequent Pan African Congresses.

This Secretariat could also serve as a home for a permanent Pan-African body for facilitation and dialogue or simply be the genesis for one. Due to the unforeseen death of Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, General Secretary of the Pan African Movement and principal organizer for decades, there was a period of reorganization with a continuing lack of funds during which the proper functioning of the Secretariat was affected over the next decade.

Another important resolution of the 7th Pan African Congress was to support regional mechanisms that would allow for local input at the broadest level geared towards the next Pan African Congress. Delegates also realized that this could only happen with sufficient funding, and therefore called for mechanisms by which both the regional and international convocations would be funded.

On the ideological and procedural fronts, there was strong debate over the nature of subsequent bodies and specifically whether the Congresses should be guided by “principled political action or by protocol.” This was because many African governments at the time were succumbing to Western protocols/pressure and forgetting their genesis in the African liberation struggle. A clear resolution to the matter was that the Pan African Congress should promote the interests of the African people against a global current that continues to use them as fodder for an international financial system that strongly benefited others. . . .

One mechanism by which this was to be achieved was through the incorporation of the entire Global African community, in tandem with all previous Congresses. This meant that African and Caribbean governments, as states representing African people, would have the same status in terms of participation as delegates from civil society from other states. In addition, representation from regional blocs and key institutions, such as labor movements, political organizations and social platforms would be important to ensure that the diversity of Pan African views would be well represented.

The planning process for the proposed 8th Pan African Congress meeting that was called in 2014 does not seem to have taken into consideration the key resolutions of the 7th Pan African Congress.

Major issues about the Pan African outlook that were raised regarding the proposed meeting have not been addressed. Hence the question: is the March 2015 meeting in Ghana a Pan African Congress or a Regional Meeting?

In July 2014, Major-General Kahinda Otafire, Chairman of the Pan African Movement and head of the Secretariat released the International Preparatory Committee’s Call for the 8th Pan African Congress to be held in Ghana in November 2014. However, there were concerns that the Ebola scare, which had affected the West African nations of Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Liberia, would inhibit travel from those nations as well as regional travel in general. This was intertwined with the need to ensure that Congress is truly Pan African – through the broad participation of the entire Global Pan African family. Additionally, there were funding uncertainties and a call from some regions for further mobilization. Reconsideration was given to the meeting date and a postponement was called for, until a date could be determined in 2015.

A postponement was initiated, but more concerns were raised over the new date, March 2015. The new date was too close to the initial November 2014, and there were no guarantees that the issues that led to the postponement would have been resolved. The larger Pan African community continues to wonder why the Local Organizing Committee in Ghana insisted on the March date.

In November 2014 a pre-congress meeting was to be held in Kampala to address the progress on the resolution regarding gender concerns. Due to the same reasons for rescheduling the full body, the gender body was also postponed. Although funds were available at that time, it was never rescheduled.

Another major area of concern was the participation of the Global African community, especially the Caribbean region within the Pan-African Congress structure. Given the historic role of delegates from the Caribbean since the very first Pan-African Congress in 1900, it was only fitting delegates from this region be more formally acknowledged. Resolutions were adopted with respect to specific countries (Haiti and Brazil) as well as a broader one that called for more systemic inclusion of the Caribbean region at the ideological, political and economic levels.

The International Preparatory Committee’s Call identified as the broad theme for the 8th Pan African Congress “The Pan-African World We Want: Building a people’s movement for just accountable and inclusive structural transformation.” This Call provided a list of subthemes that were consistent in character with the resolutions adopted by delegates at the 7th Pan African Congress.

While many Pan Africanists had reservations about the March 2015 date for the 8th Pan-African Congress, there was no question about the content of the Call from the Secretariat. However, the content of the proposed Congress agenda does not appear to be consistent with the Call from the Secretariat and broader Pan African vision of the preceding Congresses. It appears to be deliberately structured to avoid any serious deliberations.

Certainly, no serious Pan-Africanist would deny Ghana’s leading role in advancing the vision of Pan Africanism. And many would welcome the opportunity to acknowledge this history during Ghana’s independence celebrations taking place concurrently with a Pan African meeting in Accra in the month of March. However, it will be a monumental disservice to the Pan African cause and to Ghana’s immense contribution towards the advancement of Pan Africanism if the country were to host a Congress that is exclusionary and falls short of deliberating on issues that will advance the interest of the oppressed African workers, women, and our brothers and sisters in the Global African family.

As a result of the foregoing, the North American Delegation states its position regarding the March 2015 meeting as follows:

• The proposed March 2015 meeting in Ghana does not represent the total Pan African Movement, and hence is not representative of a Pan African Congress.

• The North American Delegation only recognizes the meeting as a regional preparatory meeting for a broad-based and truly representative 8th Pan African Congress to be held at a later date.

• Serious conceptual, consultative, and logistical groundwork needs to be done towards a broad-based Pan African Congress; but the organizing infrastructure (or lack thereof) in Ghana and Kampala doesn’t have the capacity for the required groundwork.

• The agenda of the proposed meeting does not reflect critical issues of urgent importance that are affecting our brothers and sisters in the Global African Family – from the clamor that “Black Lives Matter” in the USA to the challenges facing about 100 million African descendants in Brazil and the effect of coup plotting on Africans in Venezuela as well as xenophobia in Europe and the question of reparations for Africans in Latin America, Caribbean, North America and elsewhere. Also missing from the agenda are the serious questions of regarding grassroots Pan African women, reconstruction and transformation in Africa – beyond election cycles and the looting of working people’s resources.

The North American Delegation therefore recommends that serious work and consultation be set in motion for the planning of an 8th Pan African Congress that is truly representative of the Pan African Movement and genuinely reflective of the critical issues affecting Africans on the continent and the Global African Family.”

On May 6, 2015, Professor Ikaweba Bunting published 8th Pan African Congress: The congress is not the movement Reflections on Phase I of the Congress in Accra, March 2015:

“The pan-Africanist spirit is alive and strong, but building a solid Pan African Movement remains a big challenge – as witnessed in the Pan African Congress in Accra, Ghana, in March. A Pan Africanist political culture must be inculcated, nurtured and institutionalized throughout the six regions of the African world.

In early 2012, a collective of Pan Africanists in Africa, the Caribbean, South America, Europe and North America began to circulate a call for the 8th PAC congress. Proposals and discussions were exchanged via social media, radio programs, local Pan African and community mobilization forums, workshops and town hall meetings. The discussions, comments and reactions generated by the call for a Pan African Congress reflected a mosaic of ideas, sentiments, analyses, criticisms, denouncements, claims and affirmations.

Among the various comments and responses, three characteristics of particular significance emerged. The first being the many different perspectives, ideas, dogma and positions related to defining Pan Africanism, who qualifies as a Pan Africanist, how to organize the congress, and who should or should not participate. In regards to participation, there were divisions as to whether or not the African Union and other state actors should participate. Would their very presence be the antithesis of Pan Africanist objectives or are African governments and the AU essential partners in achieving Pan Africanist objectives?

A second characteristic was that despite the many differences, there was consistent concurrence that in order to redress the economic, cultural and political disempowerment and racial based oppression of African peoples, mobilization and organization globally under the structure of Pan Africanism is essential. The consistency of this perspective is of strategic significance. It reveals a common basis for building a Pan African Movement. Simultaneously the array of ideological differences and dogmatic exclusiveness reveal the amount of work remaining and the characteristics of the challenges to overcome in order to build the Pan African Movement.

The third notable feature apparent during this process was the absence of institutional sustenance of Pan Africanist political culture. Despite a broad recognition of the critical need for a Pan Africanist’s method of organization there is an absence of cohesive and persistent effort, clarity of purpose and sustainable institutional support. To realize the objectives of a Union Government and create a movement to rectify the social, economic and political exploitation of African peoples, a Pan Africanist political culture must be inculcated, nurtured and institutionalized throughout the Six Regions of the African world. It is the task for the Global Pan African Movement to ensure that Pan African institutions and organizations at all levels are functional and effective, and imbued with a Pan Africanist political culture.

The absence of functional Pan Africanist institutions and Pan African political culture has left a vacuum that has been filled with a potpourri of ideas formulated under the rubric of Pan Africanism. What materializes is an amalgam of values, notions, ideas and dogma that are perplexing or contradictory to Pan Africanist purpose and ideology.

As the efforts for the convening of the 8th Pan African Congress began to gain momentum a meeting was held in South Africa. Although convened as a Pan African Congress it suffered from lack of consultation and inclusion. A non-inclusive method of organizing that circumscribes broad based participation is contrary to the purpose of convening a Congress as well as the principles of Pan Africanism. In February 2014, the South African meeting convened with an ideological perspective of Pan Africanism that explicitly excluded North Africa and Arab-speaking North Africans. The 8th PAC North American Organizing Committee together with the Caribbean Pan African Network, the PAM Governing Council and many Pan Africanist activists and organizations decided not to associate with this meeting. Though held under the umbrella of Pan Africanism, it fostered an ideological position that apparently coincided with the imperialists’ fabricated narrative that severs the land and peoples of North Africa from the continent.

This offers one example of the many ideological contradictions and breaches that exist within the movement. Coupled with the array of logistical, organizational and financial challenges the situation epitomizes challenges confronting our efforts to convene a credible and representative Congress and building the Global Pan African Movement.

In the lead up to the meeting in Ghana, various Pan African organizations, members of the Governing Council of PAM and regional organizing committees in the Caribbean and North America protested that November 2014, a date proposed by the Ghana Local Organizing Committee, was too soon. The primary concern was that it did not allow sufficient time to mobilize for broad based representation from the different regions of the continent and the diaspora.

Concerns were also expressed regarding the Ebola outbreak and the subsequent travel restrictions that prevented Pan Africanists from several West African nations from attending. The Government of Ghana and the LOC moved the date from November to March 4-7, 2015. It had been recommended by the majority of stakeholders that, at the earliest, May 25, 2015 (African Liberation Day) could be an acceptable date. However, even with the May 25 proposal, several participants in the preparatory dialogue were skeptical in regards to sufficient time and resources being available to mobilize a truly representative, broad-based Pan Africanist participation. The Ghana Government and LOC insisted on March. Consequently, there was a tentative and conditional agreement to participate provided Ebola had been contained and the broad based consultation with Pan Africanist organizations throughout all of the regions of the world had taken place, ensuring their input and participation in the Congress.

There was also concern that four days for a congress were insufficient. Particularly so because the dates proposed coincided with the Government of Ghana’s Independence Day Celebrations. Two of the four days were predominantly concerned with ceremony. Approximately 11 hours only over the course of four days were available for deliberations. As a consequence critical questions arose as to the purpose of the meeting in Ghana. Was it for revitalizing the Pan African Movement or was it for Ghana’s Independence celebration and internal Ghanaian politics? Communications became disjointed as it appeared these concerns were not being responded to. The prevailing sentiment across the scope of a four-continent-wide discussion and commentary was that the meeting in Ghana, if convened as planned, could only be a regional preparatory meeting and not a Congress and due to its not representative process a decision not to participate had been taken. However, compromise and shared purpose prevailed to make the best of a difficult situation and facilitated the convening of the meeting in Ghana despite all of the shortcomings.

An emergency meeting of the Governing Council and the International Preparatory Committee was held in Accra on 28 February 2015. The meeting recognized the grave concerns that had been expressed by the various local organizing committees and Pan African organizations worldwide. The meeting assessed the situation and addressed the following issues:

(1) the government of Ghana in agreeing to host 8th PAC had incurred certain obligations, made commitments and invited high level international guests;
(2) the desire to ensure that 8th PAC was truly global in character and was more representative in terms of delegates, content and purpose;
(3) the general need to ensure a unifying and broadly inclusive 8th PAC process and outcome truly owned by all constituent elements of the Pan African Movement.

During the meeting it was noted that several organizational and operational challenges existed, partly emanating from the 20-year lull after 7th PAC. The criticisms also noted that in regards to the preparation of 8th PAC there was inadequate coordination and communication as well as financial and administrative constraints and inadequate representation of PAM structures in the planned 8th PAC (Ghana). The International Preparatory Committee considered the historical precedent set by various PACs and in particular the 2nd PAC that was held in phases. Subsequently the meeting unanimously agreed to follow the historical precedent of the 2nd PAC of 1921 that took place in phases in different cities including London, Brussels and Paris. This compromise reflected the overall desire to have a congress and to build upon the momentum of organizing and overcoming the challenges we face in building the Pan African Movement.

In Ghana the meeting itself was raucous, often times descending into shouting matches and vociferous protests referencing, what seemed to be, randomly selected rules from Robert’s Rules of Order. The glaring need for improved communications, organizational functionality and leadership within the movement and Governing Council was perhaps the most pronounced weakness revealed in the lead up to and the convening of Phase 1 of the 8th Pan African Congress/Ghana.

There were issues regarding the criteria and method of accrediting delegates that were never clear or coordinated sufficiently. In attendance at the Ghana meeting were participants that did not have historical knowledge or working understanding of Pan Africanism. Quite a number of participants were more familiar with the NGO agendas and NGO discourse than they were of Pan Africanism. This is reflected in some of the resolutions and the nature of discussions. There were elements in each committee whose singular focus was on holding elections, changing the leadership of the GC and the location of the secretariat rather than the issue the committee was constituted to deliberate. The obviously prearranged caucusing and tactic threatened to undermine the process as well as purpose of the Congress and spirit of the compromise agreement.

Many of the contradictions that emerged during the Ghana meeting were reflections of issues of concern expressed before the meeting. However as we criticize the mistakes and contradictions it is also correct to acknowledge that there were actions taken that resulted in positive outcomes. This reflected strength of commitment, political maturity, compromise and common purpose thus preventing a rupture and allowing for broader participation and inclusion. Individuals took initiative to work through the problems.

8th PAC Phase One (Ghana) concluded with several resolutions being passed. The resolutions together with other documents of the North American Organizing Committee are on this website. The contribution of the resolution drafting committee was a particularly valiant effort working well into the early morning to fabricate a coherent set of resolutions that reflected the content and intent of committee reports together with the comments and recommendations from the plenary sessions.

However in effect the conclusion and outcome of the meeting in Ghana is the agreement to organize the 8th Pan African Congress as a two -process. 8th PAC Phase One was the meeting convened in Ghana March 4th -7th 2015. The agreement states that 8th PAC Phase Two will convene no later than May 31st 2015. The interim period would be used to organize regional meetings and consultations to ensure broad base participation.

The responsibility is with the Governing Council and the IPC to immediately rectify the operational and structural impediments that have undermined the efficiency of the Secretariat. The secretariat is the operational extension of the GC tasked with coordinating regional consultations, laying the groundwork for elections of new office-bearers and managing the overall planning and preparation for the final phase of 8th PAC.

It is important to recognize when reviewing our efforts the weaknesses and mistakes we reveal is a positive outcome when we use it to our organizational advantage!

* Dr Ikaweba Bunting lived and worked in eastern and southern Africa for almost three decades before returning to the US in 2002. He was a member of the organizing committee of the 7th Pan African Congress in Kampala in 1994.”

Recalling the “Dueling 8 PACs”, Cliff Kuumba, writes,

“ I don't have any articles that specifically look at the two visions for a Pan African Congress from back then, and I don't recall writing anything on it at the time for my Web site https://kuumbareport.com (I will look there to see if I had written anything on it that I had later forgotten), but I was in Los Angeles for the 2013 SRDC Summit when Dr. Ikaweba Bunting and General Ishola Williams engaged in their debate about the nature of the 8th Pan African Congress.  Much of their discussion, which as I recall was slightly contentious but generally cordial, took place during a dinner that was held at a Los Angeles restaurant after the day's SRDC-related activities.  This is my take on the nature of their debate.  Professor Horne may have a different take, and I've linked an article he wrote from Our Weekly in 2014 that may explain his understanding of the debate better.

General Williams, who I believe is considered one of the relatively few former members of the Nigerian military to have conducted himself with honor in the face of that country's issues with military-controlled regimes (Ishola Williams, Nigeria's poorest and most honest General, 9 News Nigeria, argued that Sub-Saharan Black Afrikan nations needed to meet to stem the tide of increasing Islamization and Arab dominance over North Africa that threatened the entire Continent over time.  Dr. Bunting was of the "Not One Inch" perspective, that we would not give up one inch of the Afrikan Continent and that General Williams's PAC would ignore the entirety of North Africa, thus going against the very essence of Pan-Afrikanism and building a United Continent.

see:

8th Pan-African Congress Calls for Council on African National Affairs, ITUC-Africa,

A Pan African Step Forward, by Dr. David L. Horne, Ph.D, Our Weekly, Los Angeles,

Arabs and the West must pay for slavery, says Pan African Congress, Mail & Guardian,

Ishola Williams, Nigeria's poorest and most honest General, 9 News Nigeria,

8PAC Accra, Ghana, March 2015

8th Pan African Congress Resolutions,

The 8th Pan African Congress Faces New Age of Struggles and Triumphs, Huffington Post,

Dr. Ikaweba Bunting's Facebook, ”

One can imagine the confusion, then, when in July of 2022, the African Diaspora Development Institute (ADDI) under H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, former AU Ambassador to the United States, solicited for delegates to attend what was originally announced as the 9th Pan African Congress to be held in Harare, Zimbabwe from 14-19, 2022 hosted by the Government of Zimbabwe. In that call it was stated,

“For those of you who are not familiar with the history of the Pan African Congress, this is a conversation which was started by W.E.B Du Bois in the 1900’s when the descendants of the formally enslaved wanted to have a pathway back home to Africa. To date, there has been a total of eight (8) Pan African Congresses which were held between the year 1919 & 2014. Unfortunately, the eighth was nullified as it was not properly constituted. The first five Pan African Congresses were held outside of the continent of Africa 

1919 in Paris - 1st Pan-African Congress 

1921 in London, Brussels, and Paris 2nd Pan-African Congress 

1923 in London - 3rd Pan-African Congress 

1927 in New York City - 4th Pan-African Congress 

1945 in Manchester -5th Pan-African Congress

1974 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania - 6th Pan-African Congress 

1994 in Kampala, Uganda - 7th Pan-African Congress 

2014 in Johannesburg -8th - Nullified”

The question, therefore, was - why was the 8th PAC in Johannesburg “Nullified” and by who? We have the explanation that the 8th PAC held in Accra, Ghana in March of 2015 was somewhat nullified (reduced to a regional meeting) by the North American Delegation. But what about the 8th PAC in South Africa????

In response to the call for the 9th PAC, Dr. David Horne stated in a letter to H.E. Ambassaodor Chihombori-Quao,

“A few weeks ago, your ADDI organization started sending out letters to various Pan African individuals and organizations informing them that ADDI and the Zimbabwean government were planning on hosting a Pan African Congress in Zimbabwe later this year. This is a Pan African-friendly response to that information/invitation letter.

Your letter emphasized that you intended to be a part of and to continue in the tradition of the previous 8 PACs. Your letter, however, demonstrated a bit of disrespect for and certainly a lack of historical clarity regarding that tradition.

You mentioned, for example, your conclusion that “None” of the previous “eight congresses held (had) yielded implementable decisions. I refer you to Pan Africanism, edited by Tajudeen Abdul Raheem and Horace Campbell (1996). This is still the single best short volume history of the first 7 PACs. . . .

You also make a claim that the 8 th PAC in 2014 in South Africa was a negligible and nullified affair. That, too, is inaccurate. There was an on-going dispute between those who represented the Pan African Secretariat out of Uganda (7 th PAC), and the organizers of the 8 th PAC. Essentially, the primary 8 th PAC organizers advocated the exclusion of Arab-based states (Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco, etc.) in any PACs mainly (but not exclusively) because those states had refused to apologize for or institute any actions in restitution for their participation in the Arab slave trade. Only Muammar Ghaddafi in Libya had written such an apology. Additionally, the 8 th PAC organizers were a small, non-grass roots committee led by Prof. Kwesi Kwaa Prah, Director of the Center for Critical African Studies, who had publicly criticized the Uganda-based Pan African Secretariat (which had slowly become dysfunctional after the death of Raheem in 2009). Some of the primary and most memorable decisions made at the 8 th PAC were to create a Council of African National Affairs (CANA), to create PAC chapters wherever the African Diaspora lived and in all African countries and especially to include more youth in decision-making , and to include African diasporans from Ecuador, India and other formally ignored areas. Of the 10 major decisions made at the 8 th PAC, at least 7 of them have been implemented or are in the process of being implemented. Certain activists from the 1994 PAC continue to criticize the organization of the 8 th PAC, but to declare that gathering “nullified” is simply inaccurate.

Finally, to cut to the chase, the one constant in all of the PACs was an effective Pan African Preparatory Committee, usually spear-headed by on-the-ground activists in different parts of the world. That committee has virtually always been both grass roots and government-based. Your ADDI seems to have assumed that role in connection with the Zimbabwean government. In order to achieve the primary goals you identified for the gathering in Zimbabwe, that arrangement may prove problematic. For one thing, there is a severe lack of time for preparation, and there does not seem to have been much grass-roots organizing thus far. To get to a gathering of forces and a centralizing leadership decision for the African Diaspora, as you state you are aiming for, there must be adequate organizing time. . . .

I, and many other working Pan Africanists, strongly support your stated goals for the Zimbabwe gathering. Certainly, we need more “unity without uniformity” and a bigger, more organized representation for the African Diaspora in the race to achieve the goals of AGENDA 2063. But we must have more much more discussion right now (not obfuscation) about how to pull off this next step.”

Siphiwe Baleka with H.E. Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao and Damian Cook, ADDI Vice President, February 12, 2023

After arriving in Harare, Zimbabwe on February 7th to join H.E. Ambassador Chihombori-Quao’s planning committee, I asked her why the conference was now being called the “8th PAC Part 1"” when it was originally annouced as the “9th PAC”. Her response was that it was on the insistence of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who intends to host the “8th PAC Part 2” next year in Uganda to commemorate the 30th Anniversary of the 7th PAC that was held in Kampala, Uganda.

This, even though, as part of the implementation of its Agenda of the Decade of African Roots and Diasporas, Togo intends to organize a pan-African congress in 2024 with the theme “Renewal of Pan-Africanism and Africa's Place in Global Governance: Mobilizing Resources and Reinventing for Action”. To be sure, the DRAFT DECISION ON THE PROGRESS REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2021-2031 AGENDA, "DECADE OF AFRICAN ROOTS AND DIASPORAS" (item proposed by the Republic of Togo) EX.CL/1420(XLII) -  22 November 2022 states,

“7. ALSO TAKES NOTE of the proposal of the Togolese Republic, as stated in the progress report on the Decade of African Roots and Diasporas, to organize, as part of the implementation of the Decade, an event in 2024 entitled “Renewal of Pan-Africanism and Africa's place in global governance: mobilizing, resourcing and reinventing for action”; 

8. REQUESTS the Commission and the Togolese Republic to continue their collaboration to ensure the smooth preparation, organization and success of this event; 

9. DECIDES that the event “Renewal of Pan-Africanism and Africa's place in global governance: mobilizing, resourcing and reinventing for action” will be organized in the Togolese Republic in 2024; 

10. CALLS UPON Member States, African Union partners and Diaspora and Afro-descendant communities around the world to support the organization and smooth conduct of this event;”

The concept note for the 8th PAC Part I in Harare states,

“The African Diaspora Pan African Congress will primarily focus on the formalization of the 6th Region. The issues to be discussed will include but not limited to: 

• Establishment of a continental pathway to citizenship for the descendants of the formerly enslaved as well as children of continental Africans who were born and live outside Africa. They deserve the liberty to choose what country in Africa they wish to become a citizen of. 

• Preferential investment pathway designed to promote and pave the way for all people of African descent living outside Africa to not only participate in the development of Africa, but also to reclaim their inheritance by investing in the endless opportunities in Africa that many non-Africans have enjoyed for centuries. 

• The establishment of a 6 th Region Head Quarters outside of Africa within a host country similar to the other five continental regions (such as ECOWAS) in or outside Africa.

• The appointment of African Diaspora Ambassadors to the African Union . . . .”

When I joined the Ambassador’s planning committee and saw the list of invited delegates and dignitaries as well as the congress schedule and agenda, I was, quite honestly, horrified! When she asked me what did I think, I replied, “It isn’t the Congress I would have planned. . . . “ I didn’t see any of the grassroots veteran Pan Africanists that I knew of throughout the Western Hemisphere. Moreover, I saw celebrities and politicians that had nothing to do with Pan Africanism. Quite frankly, this was disturbing to me. On the one hand, H.E. Ambassador Chihombori-Quao has become our fiery Queen Mother Spokeswoman of the African Diaspora, unafraid to spit fire on our former colonial masters. Her dismissal as the AU Ambassador to the United States only solidified her as a champion of the people! But how on earth could you call a “Pan African Congress” without those who have been in the trenches and connected to the previous Congress and its subsequent mobilization? Why have more than 800 delegates attend only to have the very African Leaders who haven’t made good on the AU Article 3q invitation to address them? I didn’t understand the logic behind this. But now I do and I’m calling it Ambassador Chihombori-Quao’s “Get the Keys Strategy”. To understand the Get the Keys Strategy, please read:

Letter to Pan Africanists Concerning the Upcoming  Pan African Congress in Harare, Zimbabwe

UPCOMING PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS IN HARARE, ZIMBABWE WILL PROPOSE A COMPREHENSIVE AFRICAN UNION CITIZENSHIP POLICY FOR THE AFRICAN DIASPORA

AFRICAN DIASPORA AMBASSADORS FOR THE AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION: UPCOMING PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS TO MAKE PROPOSAL

WILL THERE BE AN AFRICAN DIASPORA REGIONAL HEADQUARTERS FOR THE AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION? UPCOMING PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS TO MAKE A PROPOSAL