THE ANSWER TO THE QUESTION: WHO CREATED CHRISTIANITY, WHO WROTE THE GOSPELS FEATURING JESUS CHRIST, AND HOW DID CHRISTIANITY START IN AFRICA?

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Now, before we reveal the answers to those questions, let me first explain why I am writing this. There is still a lot of arguing about Christianity, its history and effect on people of African descent. I recently wrote an article entitled Mental Slavery of Christianity: Its Origin, Development and The Challenge of Cognitive Dissonance to the African Ancestry Movement From the Point of View of Neuroscience and Behavior Change. Rather than helping more people escape from the mental slavery of Christianity, it, of course, provoked even more cognitive dissonance from Christians. And then I realized that part of the problem is because people don’t know the origin of Christianity and therefore, are not properly oriented in order to interpret its meaning and effect. A Balanta woman informed me that in the literary criticism field, this is called “Authorial Intent” vs “Reader Response”....”a very potent dynamic that can breed the gravest of misinterpretations or the most precise understanding of what has been communicated.” Let me illustrate.

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In the above example, when asked, “who is right?”, most people answer that it is a matter of perspective. There is no right or wrong answer. Such people are left in a world of relative meaning and malaise. Truth is obscured and everyone’s opinion or perspective on a subject is given equal weight. Again, this creates the gravest of misinterpretations, particularly when it comes to comprehending the phenomenon of Christianity.

There is a solution to the above, however. And the solution is simple. The solution is: ask the person who made the mark on the ground. Let me explain.

Everyone is entitled to their opinion or perspective, which is relative. However, the reason they are arguing is because someone put the mark there on the ground. Now, the best way to get answers is by asking questions. Why? Why did someone make this mark on the ground? For what purpose?

Well, you get the best answer to these questions, to any question, by going to the source.

Now, suppose the person who put the mark on the ground says this: “This spot is the nine mile mark on the trail. You are nine miles from the village.” In such a scenario, you can see that although the person saying “6” is entitled to his perspective, he loses the complete essence, value and understanding of what he is observing. He is deprived of valuable information.

The point of the riddle is to emphasize the value of history and original sources. If the two of them ask the person who put the mark on the ground, it will end the debate. They guy can say, “oh, from where I was standing it looks like a six, but NOW I AM PROPERLY ORIENTED to interpret and make sense of what I am looking at.” Now the debate is over.

When people fail to study and understand the origin of things, they can’t have the proper perspective. History helps us orientate our experiences so that we can move beyond mere appearances, perceptions and speculations.

As far as our understanding of history, African Americans haven’t been able to look at history properly orientated because, prior to genetic testing through African Ancestry, we couldn’t identify WHO WE ARE. At best, most of us simply knew that we were from somewhere in “Africa” and we studied African history generally. Now, however, we can know exactly which people we are from, who are ancestors, and, using haplogroup migration studies and a re-reading of African and world history, we can, for the first time, tell OURstory, properly oriented. This I have done in Balanta B’urassa My Sons, Those Who Resist Remain Volumes 1 -3.

Likewise, we must study the origin of Christianity and the Jesus Story. Here I am referring to the origin of who actually invented the character called Jesus Christ and wrote the Gospels. Why did they invent the character of Jesus and for what purpose? Without understanding this, the “authorial intent”, one is only left with the “reader’s response”, which I have shown in my previous article, is a programmed brainwashing via brutality, terrorism and trauma that produces a modified and imprinted brain incapable of thinking outside of the programming. This, of course, produces the gravest misinterpretation of Christianity as something called “Truth”. However, the following account of the origin of the Jesus Christ folklore will lead to a precise understanding.

The following is an excerpt from Balanta B’urassa My Sons, Those Who Resist Remain Volume II

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The Roman Conspiracy to Invent Jesus

My sons, you would do well now to read the book, Caesar’s Messiah: The Roman Conspiracy to Invent Jesus by Joseph Atwill or watch the video documentary of the same name, if you want to understand the actual creation of the Jesus-centered Christian religion of the Roman Empire. According to Atwill,

“I shall show that intellectuals working for Titus Flavius, the second of the three Flavian Caesars, created Christianity. Their main purpose was to replace the xenophobic Jewish Messianism that waged war against the Roman Empire with a version of Judaism that would be obedient to Rome.

One of the individuals involved with the creation of the Gospels was the first-century historian Flavius Josephus, who, as he related it, led a fabulous life. He was born in 37 C.E. into the royal family of Judea, the Maccabees. Like Jesus, Josephus was a child prodigy who astounded his elders with his knowledge of Judaic law. Josephus also claimed to have been a member of each of the Jewish sects of his era, the Sadducees, the Pharisees and the Essenes. . . .

After the destruction of the Maccabean state, the Sicarii, a new movement against Roman and Herodian control, emerged. This was a movement of lower-class Jews, originally called Zealots, who continued the Maccabees’ religious struggle against the control of Judea by outsiders and sought to restore “Eretz Israel.”

The efforts of the Sicarii reached a climax in 66 C.E. when they succeeded in driving the Roman forces from the country. The Emperor Nero ordered Flavius Vespasian to enter Judea with a large army and end the revolt. The violent struggle that ensued left the country devastated, and concluded when Rome captured the Judean fortress Masada in 73 C.E. . . .

When the Jewish rebellion against Rome broke out in 66 C.E., though he had no described military background and believed the cause hopeless, Josephus was given command of the revolutionary army of Galilee. Taken captive, he was brought before the Roman general Vespasian, to whom he presented himself as a prophet. At this point, God, rather conveniently, spoke to Josephus and informed him that his favor had switched from the Jews to the Romans. Josephus then claimed the Judaism’s messianic prophecies foresaw not a Jewish Messiah, but Vespasian, whom Josephus predicted would become the ‘lord of all mankind.’ . . .

In the midst of the Judean war, forces loyal to the Flavian family in Rome revolted against the last of the Julio-Claudian emperors, Vitellius, and seized the capital. Vespasian returned to Rome to be proclaimed emperor, leaving his son Titus in Judea to finish off the rebels.  Following the war, the Flavians shared control over this region between Egypt and Syria with two families of powerful Hellenized Jews: the Herods and the Alexanders.

These three families shared a common financial interest in preventing any future revolts. They also shared a long-standing and intricate personal relationship that can be traced to the household of Antonia, the mother of the Emperor Claudius. Antonia employed Julius Alexander Lysimachus, the Abalarch, or ruler, of the Jews of Alexandria, as her financial steward in around 45 C.E.

After this came to pass, so to speak, and Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, he rewarded Josephus’ clairvoyance by adopting him. Thus, the Jewish rebel Josephus bar Matthias became Flavius Josephus, the son of Caesar. He became an ardent supporter of Rome’s conquest of Judea, and when Vespasian returned to Rome to be crowned emperor, Josephus stayed behind to assist the new emperor’s son Titus with the siege of Jerusalem.

After Jerusalem had been destroyed, Josephus took up residence within the Flavian court at Rome, where he enjoyed the patronage of Vespasian and the subsequent Flavian emperors, Titus and Domitian. It was while he was living in Rome that Josephus wrote his two major works, Wars of the Jews, a description of the 66-73 C.E. war between the Romans and the Jews, and Jewish Antiquities, a history of the Jewish people.  . . .

Though the three families had been able to put down the revolt, they still faced a potential threat. Many Jews continued to believe that God would send a Messiah, a son of David, who would lead them against the enemies of Judea. Flavius Josephus records that what had “most elevated” the Sicarii to fight against Rome was their belief that God would send a Messiah to Israel who would lead his faithful to military victory. Though the Flavians, Herods, and Alexanders had ended the Jewish revolt, the families had not destroyed the messianic religion of the Jewish rebels. The families needed to find a way to prevent the Zealots from inspiring future uprisings through their belief in a coming warrior Messiah. 

Then someone from within this circle had an inspiration, one that changed history. The way to tame messianic Judaism would be to simply transform it into a religion that would cooperate with the Roman Empire. To achieve this goal would require a new type of messianic literature.

Thus, what we know as the Christian Gospels were created. In a convergence unique in history, the Flavians, Herods, and Alexanders brought together the elements necessary for the creation and implementation of Christianity. They had the financial motivation to replace the militaristic religion of the Sicarii, the expertise in Judaism and philosophy necessary to create the Gospels, and the knowledge and bureaucracy required to implement a religion (the Flavians created and maintained a number of religions other than Christianity). Moreover, these families were the absolute rulers over the territories where the first Christian congregations began. 

To produce the Gospels required a deep understanding of Judaic literature. The Gospels would not simply replace the literature of the old religion but would be written in such a way as to demonstrate that Christianity was the fulfillment of the prophecies of Judaism and had therefore grown directly from it. To achieve these effects, the Flavian intellectuals made use of a technique used throughout Judaic literature—typology. The genre of typology is not often used today.  In its most basic sense, typology is simply the use of prior events to provide form and context for subsequent ones – similar to using an archetype or stereotype to create a new character in literature. The typology in the Gospels is very specific – the system uses repeating names, locations, or concepts in the same sequence. 

Typology is used throughout Judaic literature as a way of transferring information and meaning from one story to another, to show the pattern of the “hand of God” at work.

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Josephus’ histories are of great significance to Christianity. Virtually all that we know regarding the social context of the New Testament is derived from them. Without these works, the very dating of the events of the New Testament would be impossible. . . .

Josephus’ histories provided Jesus with historical documentation, a fact that is widely known. They also provided Jesus with another kind of documentation; a fact largely forgotten. Early Christians believed that the events Josephus described in Wars of the Jews proved that Jesus had been able to see into the future. It is difficult to find even one early Christian who taught another position. Church scholars such as Tertullian, Justin Martyr, and Cyprian were unanimous in proclaiming that Josephus’ description of the conquest of Judea by Titus Flavius in Wars of the Jews proved that Jesus’ prophecies had come to pass. As Eusebius wrote in 325 C.E.:

‘If anyone compares the words of our Savior with the other accounts of the historian [Josephus] concerning the whole war, how can anyone fail to wonder and to admit that the foreknowledge and the prophecy of our Savior were truly divine and marvelously Strange.’

The authors of the Gospels used typology to create the impression that events from the lives of prior Hebrew prophets were types of events from Jesus’ life. In doing so, they were trying to convince their readers that their story of Jesus was a continuation of the divine relationship that existed between the Hebrew prophets and God.  At the very beginning of the Gospels, the authors created a crystal-clear typological relationship between Jesus and Moses. The authors placed this sequence at the beginning of their work to show the reader how the real meaning of the New Testament will be revealed. . . .

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By using scenes from Judaic literature as types for events in Jesus’ ministry, the authors hoped to convince their readers that the Gospels were a continuation of the Hebrew literature that had inspired the Sicarii to revolt and that, therefore, Jesus was the Messiah whom the rebels were hoping God would send them. In this way, they would strip messianic Judaism of its power to spawn insurrections, since the Messiah was no longer coming but had already come. Further, the Messiah was not the xenophobic military leader that the Sicarii were expecting, but rather a multiculturist who urged his followers to “turn the other cheek.”

If the Gospels achieved only the replacement of the militaristic messianic movement with a pacifistic one, they would have been one of the most successful pieces of propaganda in history. But the authors wanted even more. They wanted not merely to pacify the religious warriors of Judea but to make them worship Caesar as a god. And they wanted to inform posterity that they had done so. 

The populations of the Roman provinces were permitted to worship in any way they wished, with one exception; they had to allow Caesar to be worshiped in their temples. This was incompatible with monotheistic Judaism. At the end of the 66–73 C.E. war, Flavius Josephus recorded that no matter how Titus tortured the Sicarii, they refused to call him “Lord.” To circumvent the Jews’ religious stubbornness, the Flavians therefore created a religion that worshiped Caesar without its followers knowing it.

To achieve this, they used the same typological method they had used to link Jesus to Moses, creating parallel concepts, sequences, and locations. They created Jesus’ entire ministry as a “type” of the military campaign of Titus. In other words, events from Jesus’ ministry are symbolic representations of events from Titus’ campaign. To prove that these typological scenes were not accidental, the authors placed them in the same sequence and in the same locations in the Gospels as they had occurred in Titus’ campaign. 

The parallel scenes were designed to create another story line than the one that appears on the surface. This typological story line reveals that the Jesus who interacted with the disciples following the crucifixion, the actual Jesus that Christians have unwittingly worshiped for 2,000 years, was Titus Flavius. . . .

I show that a contiguous block of text from Luke was typologically linked to a contiguous section of Josephus’ history. In fact, virtually all of the events of Jesus’ Galilean ministry in that Gospel were typological representations of events of the Flavians’ military campaign. The events in the Gospel were mapped to Titus’ campaign in the same sequence that Josephus recorded them. One conclusion that falls out of this analysis is that the Gospels’ character ‘Jesus Christ’ was completely fictional.”

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Byzantine Rule (323 -642 CE)

Moustafa Gadalla, in Exiled Egyptian: The Heart of Africa reveals the Romans and Early Christians in Egypt:

“Like the Ptolemies, Rome treated Egypt as a mere estate to be exploited for the benefit of the Roman rulers. They controlled Egypt by force . . . . The general pattern of Roman Egypt included a strong, centralized administration supported by a large military force. . . . There was an elaborate bureaucracy with an extended system of registrars and controls, and a social hierarchy with preferred treatment for the Hellenized population of the towns, over the rural and native Egyptian population. The Romans reinforced foreign settlement, by brining in more foreigners. The Jewish colony in Alexandria is said to have had a population of 1 million in the 1st century CE. . . .

An enormous burden of taxation was placed on the people of the Nile Valley. . . . the Egyptian rural population was assessed at a flat rate, without regard for income, age, or capacity for work. . . .

As expected, when people cannot pay their taxes, they must abandon the land, since no amount of torture by tax collectors will change the fact that one has nothing with which to pay.

In common with the rest of the Roman Empire, Egypt suffered from a general depression brought about by over-taxation and the consequent abandonment of farmlands.

Since Egypt provided the food for the Roman Empire, it followed that when the economy of Egypt collapsed, the Empire went hungry and therefore collapsed too. The same story was repeated with every invader of Egypt.

The Romans reinforced foreign settlement by inviting more foreigners and giving them land. This, together with land appropriation, over-taxation, and the loss of freedom and pride, led to the acceleration of Egyptians leaving their farmlands. . . .

When the Romans arrived in Alexandria, they gave preferred treatment to the Jews. Augustus granted self-government to the Hellenized Jews of Alexandria. This caused great consternation among the Greeks, who had founded the city. The city’s contentious population was involved in revolts against Roman control, from the 1st century CE onward. Fighting soon broke out, first between Greeks and Jews, then with the Romans’ participation when they tried to separate the two.

Christianity arrived early in Alexandria, from Judaea and Syria. The Romans encouraged and facilitated more immigration from Syria to Egypt.

The history of the spread of Christianity in Egypt cannot be traced in detail in either the archeological remains or the literary evidence. According to a one-sided Christian tradition, which goes back to the 4th century CE, the Church at Alexandria was founded by Mark, the evangelist. This claim is generally dismissed as fiction and pro-Christian propaganda.

As shown earlier, native Egyptians hated the foreign city of Alexandria, and its foreign inhabitants. Alexandria was nothing more than a foreign base in Egypt. Christians did not emerge as a noticeable cult, until about 190 CE, when Pantaenus founded the Christian doctrine school. The first patriarch at Alexandria who is said to have been concerned about converting the native Egyptians is Dionysius (247-264 CE). But there was no response, because Christian theology is contrary to Egyptian character.

Communal tensions between the city’s Jewish and Greek elements became more complex with the foundation of Christianity in Alexandria. Conflicts arose between and among Alexandria’s Christian, Jewish and traditional Egyptian communities over the desire of Christians to destroy everything that was contrary to their doctrine.

The Christians virulent bigotry was checked, in the beginning, by the officially imposed religious toleration of Rome.

Christian Rampage

  • In 312 CE, Christianity was made the official and only religion of the Roman Empire. A short time later, the Roman Empire split. Egypt became part of the Eastern (or Byzantine) Empire in 323 CE.

  • The decree that there be only one religious system (Christianity), and that anything else is untrue, is dictatorial. The Christian decree added to the economic and social disaster, which still remained from the earlier Roman rule.

  • Constantine’s declaration, to make Christianity the official religion of the empire, had two immediate effects on Egypt. Firstly, it allowed the Church to enhance the organization of its administrative structure and to acquire considerable wealth; and secondly, it allowed Christian fanatics to destroy the native Egyptian religious rights, properties and temples.

  • Here are a few examples of the Christian rampage in Egypt:

  • ·During a visit to Egypt in 385 CE, the praetorian prefect of the east, Maternus Cynegius, closed the ancient Egyptian temples and forbade sacrifices to Min-Amen.

  • ·When Theophilus was made Patriarch of Alexandria in 391 CE, he displayed tremendous zeal in destroying ancient Egyptian temples. A wave of destruction swept over the land of Egypt. Tombs were ravaged, walls of ancient monuments scraped, and statues toppled. In Alexandria, the famous statue of Serapis was burned and the Serapeum destroyed, along with its library. When Theophilus attempted to convert a temple of Dionysus in Alexandria into a church, rioting between non-Christians and Christians ensued, the former occupying the great Serapeum.  The subsequent destruction of the temple was shamelessly advertised by Christians as symbolic of a great victory. It was a folly of fanaticism in the name of orthodoxy.

  • ·The same year (391 CE) saw the beginning of legislation that aimed to outlaw ancient Egyptian rites and to close the temples. The laws helped the fanatic Christians destroy other temples.

  • No rational mind can accept that such destructive behavior led to ‘convince’ people to convert to any religion (Christianity), as advertised by the fanatics, no matter how rational it (Christianity) may appear to anyone.

  • The fanatic early Christians went on appropriating ancient Egyptian temples. In the 4th and 5th centuries, many ancient temples on the west bank of Ta-Apet (Thebes) were converted into monastic centers.

  • Hatshepsut’s Commemorative Temple was converted into Deir (Monastery) el Bahari.

  • Ptolemy III Temple was converted into Deir el Medina.

  • The Commemorative Temple of Ramses III was given the Christian name, ‘Medinat Habu’.

  • The Court of Amenhotep II in Luxor Temple on the east bank of Ta-Apet (Thebes) was similarly violated.

  • ·In 415 CE under Theodosius II, Patriarch Cyril expelled the Jews of Alexandria form the city; and Hypatia, the learned and beautiful Neoplatonist was cruelly murdered.

  • Christian mobs forcefully took a part of the Temple of Het-Heru (Hathor) at Dendera in the middle of the 6th century CE, and built a new church, which was constructed between the Birth House and the Coronation House, using some of the blocks from the Birth House.

  • ·Similarly, in Khmunu (Hermopolis) a Temple of Amon was occupied by Christians and had part of its interior turned into a chapel.

  • In addition to the violation of ancient Egyptian temples, the fanatic Christians adopted a new script called the Coptic language – basically demotic Egyptian written in Greek characters with a few additional letters – from about 300 CE. A non-Egyptian alphabet was intended for the use of those non-Egyptians who were schooled in the Greek language. This move had the effect of re-emphasizing the cultural divide between them and the true native Egyptians. . . .

  • There is no archaeological evidence, outside Alexandria, to substantiate the Christians’ overly exaggerated popularity claims . . . Their terroristic action, rampages, and disrespect for the native population can hardly win any popularity contest. To make Christianity the state religion did not lead (as expected) to people converting.

  • Accepting Christianity is to accept the Bible, which condemns ancient Egypt and establishes the Jews as God’s ‘chosen people’. It is totally incompatible with Egyptian history, nature, and traditions.

  • The Edict of Theodosius I (391 CE), to close the ancient Egyptian temples, caused people associated with temple activities to flee, along with all those who were threatened by the onslaught of the fanatic Christians.”

The Spread of Christianity in the Land of Ta-Nihisi: Meroe, Nobadae, Makuria and Alwa

Meanwhile, Chancellor Williams emphasizes,

“Africa was naturally among the first areas to which Christianity spread. It was next door to Palestine, and from the earliest times there had been the closest relations between the Jews and the Blacks, both friendly and hostile. The exchange of pre-Christian religious concepts took place easily and, due to the residence of so many ancient Jewish leaders in Ethiopia – Abraham, Joseph, and his brothers, Mary and Jesus. The great Lawgiver, Moses, was not only born in Africa but he was married to the daughter of an African priest. The pathway for the early Christian church in the Land of the Blacks had been made smooth many centuries before. . . .

We do not know how much significance should be read into the fact that Christianity began to spread in Ethiopia (Nubia or Cush) only after the destruction of the central Empire with the fall of Meroe. However, the most important development after the Empire passed was not the rise of Christianity, but the rise of the two Black states that picked up the mantle and staff of Ethiopia to carry on. These two states were Makuria and Alwa. . . .

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The spread of Christianity in the land below the First Cataract gained momentum after the destruction of Ethiopia as an empire and its world-famous capital, the city of Meroe. Such a decline and fall of a nation, empire or civilization is never as short or sudden as the date given for the event suggested, in this case, 350 (A.D.). Many factors and forces operated over a long period of time before what can be called the ‘Great Age of Black Civilization’ came to a close.

How the black world was being adversely affected by both Asia and Europe may be better understood by a flashback to events following the end of black rule over Egypt with the close of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty in 656 B.C. The victorious Assyrians, you may recall, made Necho, a king from Sais in Lower Egypt, the governor-general, supported by Assyrian garrisons. This Necho was an Asian, but by this time the practice of calling all non-African residents Egyptians had been so firmly established that it had the weight of customary law. The Afro-Asians had failed to win recognition as the only Egyptians. Whites of all nationalities, though a minority, were often the dominant groups, ruling from their power base in Lower Egypt. Hence the continuing crises between the white Egyptians and the now more populous ‘coloured’ Egyptians. The Black Egyptians no longer counted as a power group north of the First Cataract.

When the Assyrians were finally expelled during the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty (664-525 B.C.), the foundations for permanent white Asian rule in Egypt had been firmly laid. From this period on, the wars for the control of Egypt were primarily wars of whites against whites. The internal corruption, jockeying for position compounded by the various partisan groups, reflected the weakness of the country in employing more and more foreign mercenary troops, especially the Greeks. These large incursions of Greeks and their allies formed the same kind of advance base for future Greek hegemony as did previous Asiatic peoples. The time was not yet. But it was the opportune time for the Persians to invade this much -invaded land and begin a rule in 525 B.C. that was to last 121 years. Since the administration of a conquered country by absentee kings is generally weak and open to revolt, the very long Persian rule in Egypt was doubtless due to an extraordinary line of strong kings and imperial administrators – Cambyses, Darius the Great and Darius II.

The end of Persian rule came in 404 B.C. when the Egyptian Greeks joined with the Egyptian nationalists in a ‘War of Liberation.’ The victory was short-lived. The Egyptians were in power only five years before the rebellion and independence were broken and Persian rule reestablished for another 64 years.

In 332, Alexander the Great arrived and, having broken the imperial power of Persia elsewhere, had no trouble taking over Egypt. A Greek was crowned Pharaoh in 334 B.C. as Ptolemy I.

The Greeks ruled Egypt for almost 300 years before the expansion of the Roman Empire into Egypt ended their dominion in 30 B.C. This was our ‘flashback point of departure, but before returning to the Ethiopian churches, the significance of what we have been reviewing as flashbacks should again be emphasized as a great issue. For we have been reviewing the last phase of the processes of Caucasianization in Egypt that were so thoroughgoing that both the Blacks and their history were erased from our memory: the Jewish rule, 500 years; the Assyrian interludes; the Persians, 185 years; the Greeks 274 years; the Romans, 700 years; the Arabs, 1,327 years – the long, long struggle to take from the Blacks whatever they had of human worth, their land and all their wealth therein; their bodies their souls, and their minds, was a process of steady depersonalization, dehumanization.

Yet Greece and Rome, having made the exclusion of the Blacks from Egypt permanent, appeared to have no conquest ambitions in the black country to the south. And Pax Romana checked the constant warfare between the two regions. The great wealth-producing trade with Ethiopia was promoted and what appeared to be a general détente prevailed. Indeed, whoever held the seacoasts, whether Asian, European or Egyptian, controlled world trade and put Ethiopia in a state of economic dependence, no matter how vast the flow of goods was from the south. Egypt was the middleman with the greater control over both volume and prices. Both the Greek and Roman rulers of Egypt left Ethiopia to play its own role. And we have seen what that role was during a thousand years of unbroken progress directed from Meroe.

Yet a storm cloud was threatening farther south as the Roman Legions withdrew from Egypt to help check the erosion of an over-extended world empire. We have noted that the Ethiopian Empire at the height of its greatness extended southward into Abyssinia (present day Ethiopia) and further, that as time passed, the Blacks were being hemmed in form almost all directions essential for survival. Now, for some centuries Arabs and Jews (the latter called ‘Solomonids’ by most historians) had been swarming into this southeastern region, pushing through the middle in such a way that even in Abyssinia the Blacks were pressed southward, always southwards! Egyptian history was repeating itself: The Asians and Mulattoes held Northern Abyssinia, with the center of power in the strategic kingdom of Axum. From Axum the Arabs prepared their forces for the destruction of a now weakening Ethiopian empire. The weakness, as usual, came from separatist movements struggling for power. It was the old-time factional fights among leaders who felt they must ‘rule or ruin’ . . . . But it was the situation for which the Axumite Arabs and their colored and Jewish allies were waiting. In 350 A.D., their armies destroyed Meroe, and an epoch in history ended.

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Ethiopia was now split into three major states: Nobadae, bordering Egypt at the First Cataract; Makuria, the more powerful kingdom in the middle with its capital at Dongola; and Alwa (Alodia), another strong state south of Makuria or between Makuria and Axum. After the collapse of the central black empire in the fourth century, the Christian churches spread more rapidly through the now independent kingdoms. Even in the division of Ethiopia into smaller states, the process of ethnic transformation was obvious as it pressed southward from Egypt, Greek and Roman presence had been heavy and marked in Nobadae. Since no one now questioned that Nobadae (Nubia) was Ethiopian, the mixed breed could not be called Egyptian as was the previous case of first Cataract. The population in this kingdom bordering Caucasianized Egypt was now predominantly Afro-European and Afro-Asian. The problem was solved very neatly by calling them the ‘Red Noba’ and the Africans were called ‘Black Noba’. The other two kingdoms were all-black and presented no classification problems.

The churches seemed to be firmly rooted in Alwa and Makuria. Churches seemed to be everywhere. There were several in every large town, one in just about every small village, some in rural areas away from villages, and churches scattered over large urban centers, along with those of greater splendor in the ‘Cathedral Cities,’ the seats of bishops. White administration and control of African Christianity was assured by establishing the head of the Church in Lower Egypt (the Patriarch of Alexandria) with power to appoint all bishops in Africa. The bishops appointed were always white or near-white until token appointments of Blacks to lesser posts, such as deacons, had to be made following protests by black church leaders, supported by their kings. And while the ‘Red Men’ of Nobadae, caught in the middle, tended to identify with the Blacks of Makuria and Alwa, the split between the Western and Eastern churches over doctrine was reflected in the three Ethiopian kingdoms. This meant that the religious strife tended to alienate Monophysite Nobadae from Orthodox Makuria. This competition for ascendency may have had a great deal to do with the expansion of churches in Egypt and the former Ethiopian empire in the South.

These southern kingdoms also carried on much of the old Ethiopian tradition of rapid reconstruction after destruction. They continued the expansion of caravan routes for external trade across the Sahara to the western black world to offset the Egyptian seacoast monopoly. They replaced the vast temple-building programs with equally vast church-building programs, and they continued the development of the iron industries and better equipped armies. Egyptian, Asian, Greek and Roman influence was as marked on African institutions in Nobadae as it was on the complexion of most of the people living in this fringe kingdom. Nobadae, then, is a classic example of external influence on African institutions just as it had been on Egypt. . . .

In the fourth century A.D., the areas of black power had been pushed out of Egypt down to where the kingdom of Makuria formed its borders with Nobadae. Here the concentration of Blacks began, just as though a southward movement of the race was a decree of providence. Here, once again, they took their stand; here again, even in the lands which were officially Christian, black battle lines had to be formed again for defense. The Axumite Coloured ‘Solomonids’ and Arabs had retired after the destruction of the black empire. The more immediate danger was still Egypt. This was true also from the viewpoint of Christendom, for ‘white’ Egyptian control over the churches reflected the same policies that were to follow through the centuries into our own times. No church sponsored theological schools for the training of African clergy. By thus preventing educational opportunities, they could always maintain that the Blacks were simply ‘not qualified’ for this or that high post. In religion, as in every other field, the system deliberately prevented qualification in order to declare the lack of qualification on the part of Blacks in all regions under white control or in all institutions, in this case the Church, over which white power prevailed.

In discussing mass migration from Egypt, I hope no one has forgotten the countless thousands of Blacks left behind, in both Upper and Lower Egypt; . . . The people who accepted a slave or inferior status as their lot in the society were the kind Aristotle had in mind when he referred to men who were born to be slaves. On the other hand, those Blacks who migrated or fought to the death rather than accept slavery were those who were born to be free – the most important point missed by many quoting this most-quoted passage from Aristotle [See Aristotle, Politics, Book 1  Chapters 3-7].

It was these born-to-be free Blacks, who, as we have seen, not only beat back the enslaving invaders over and over again, but just as many times either conquered their would-be-enslavers or drove them back into Asia. The fall of the black empire did not mean that the Blacks had surrendered. The fragmented kingdoms were still to carry the fight to the enemy, and they were still to fight their way again across Egypt as far as to where their ancient city of Memphis once stood. Still others remained in the conquered regions simply because they refused to leave their ancestral homes, come what may.

By the seventh century, the Blacks had achieved a major goal by incorporating Nobadae with Makuria and thus re-establishing what had become the recognized boundary between Ethiopia and Egypt at the First Cataract. . . . the black kingdoms of Alwa and Makuria were stronger than ever since the fall of Napata and Meroe.”

So it is quite clear that the purpose of the Gospels and the creation of Jesus Christ was to create a religion to make people rebelling against established military authority more obedient. Christianity then arrived early in Alexandria, from Judaea and Syria (“colorless foreigners”) and used to subject the native (black) inhabitants of Ta-Meri (Lower Egypt) then the inhabitants of Ta-Nihisi ( Upper Egypt) and attacking the kingdoms of Meroe, Nobadae, Makuria and Alwa. Eight hundred years later, these same Christians, now living in Portugal, under “Lord Henry The Navigator, Ruler and Governor of the Chivalry of the Order of Jesus Christ” sailed to the land of Guinea to kidnap children, enslave their parents, and murder anyone that resisted. When those they captured were brought to what would become the United States of America, a program designed by Princeton Theologian and “Apostle to the Blacks” Reverend Charles Colcock Jones was officially launched throughout the United States in 1847 for the following purpose:

1) There will be a better understanding of the mutual relations of Master and Servant;

2) There will be GREATER SUBORDINATION and a decrease of crime amongst the Negroes;

3) Much unpleasant discipline will be saved to the Churches;

4) The Church and Society at large will be benefited;

5) The Souls of our Servants will be saved and,

6) We shall relieve ourselves of great responsibility.

With proper orientation through the knowledge of authorial intent, it is easy to understand the phenomenon of Christianity, its historic devastating effects, and its uselessness for the liberation struggle of black people.

Please read part 2:

Mental Slavery of Christianity: Its Origin, Development and The Challenge of Cognitive Dissonance to the African Ancestry Movement From the Point of View of Neuroscience and Behavior Change

http://caesarsmessiahdoc.com OFFICIAL VERSION Seven of today's most controversial Bible scholars reveal their shocking conclusions about the origins of Chris...

ARTICLE SUMMARY:

1.       Greeks and Jews (over a million) enter Egypt from Judea and Syria through Alexandria in the 1st century CE. The native population in the area hated the foreigners. The Greeks rule Egypt for almost 300 years before the expansion of the Roman Empire into Egypt in 30 BC. Both the Greek and Roman rulers of Egypt left Ethiopia to play its own role.

2.       Titus Flavius (Rome, 70 AD) creates a religion to make the rebellious people more obedient. Hires Jewish militant Yosef ben Matityahu turned traitor and Roman agent “Flavius Josephus” to use Judaic literature form called “typology” to create a new messianic literature that exchanges a militant “messiah” or “Christ” for a passive “Jesus” who says “render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and slaves obey your masters.”

3.       Christians did not emerge as a noticeable cult in Egypt until 190 CE when Pantaenus, a Greek, founded the Christian doctrine school.

4.       Dionysius (247 -264) was the first patriarch at Alexandria desiring to convert the native inhabitants in Egypt, but there was no response because Christian theology is contrary to Egyptian character.

5.       Christians begin destroying all Egyptian systems of religion and in 312 CE, Christianity was made the official and only-religion of the Roman Empire. Shortly afterwards, when the Roman Empire split, Egypt became part of the Eastern or Byzantine Empire in 323 CE. Christian fanatics destroy al the remaining native Egyptian religious rights, properties and temples.

6.       Only after the fall of the Kingdom of Meroe (350 AD) did Christianity begin to spread in Ethiopia. Two black states resisted the Christians: Makuria and Alwa. White administration and control of African Christianity was assured by establishing the head of the Church in Lower Egypt (the Patriarch of Alexandria) with power to appoint all bishops in Africa. The bishops appointed were always white or near-white until token appointments of Blacks to lesser posts, such as deacons, had to be made following protests by black church leaders, supported by their kings.

7.       ‘White’ Egyptian control over the churches reflected the same policies that were to follow through the centuries into our own times. No church sponsored theological schools for the training of African clergy. By thus preventing educational opportunities, they could always maintain that the Blacks were simply ‘not qualified’ for this or that high post. In religion, as in every other field, the system deliberately prevented qualification in order to declare the lack of qualification on the part of Blacks in all regions under white control or in all institutions, in this case the Church, over which white power prevailed.

8.       The people who accepted a slave or inferior status as their lot in the society were the kind Aristotle had in mind when he referred to men who were born to be slaves. On the other hand, those Blacks who migrated or fought to the death rather than accept slavery were those who were born to be free

9.       So, it is quite clear that the purpose of the Gospels and the creation of Jesus Christ was to create a religion to make people rebelling against established military authority more obedient.

MISSING MIDDLE PASSAGE DOCUMENTS: THE CONSEQUENCE FOR BALANTA, MENDE, TEMNE AND OTHER SENEGAMBIAN PEOPLES BROUGHT TO THE UNITED STATES

Map of Senegambia.JPG

If you have an ancestor from the Senegambia region (like Blanata, Mende or Temne) that survived the middle passage and you have an English name or surname, then you need to read this article, especially if you are doing genealogy research. The following is an excerpt from and comments about Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s excellent book, Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links.

Gwendolyn Midlo Hall Book.JPG

“During the first woo years of the Atlantic slave trade, Guinea meant what Boubacar Barry defines as Greater Senegambia: the region between the Senegal and the Sierra Leone rivers. In Arabic, “Guinea” meant “Land of the Blacks.” It referred to the Senegal/Sierra Leone regions between the Senegal and the Sierra Leone regions alone. In early Portuguese and Spanish writings, “Guinea” meant Upper Guinea. Early Portuguese documents and chronicles called the Gold Coast, the Slave Coast, and the Bights of Benin, and Biafra the Mina Coast. In the writings of Alonso de Sandoval, “Guineas” meant Greater Senegambias. As late as the nineteenth century, “Guinea” continued to mean Upper Guinea to other Atlantic slave traders as well. When King James I chartered the first English company to trade with Africa in the early seventeenth century, the Portuguese and Spanish usage of the term “Guinea” was initially adopted. The English company was named the Company of Adventurers, and it was to trade specifically with “‘Gynny and Bynny’ (Guinea and Benin).” After the northern European powers began to enter the Atlantic slave trade legally and systematically in the 1650’s, “Guinea” was gradually extended to mean the entire West African coast from Senegal down through Angola. . . .

After Portugal separated from Spain in 1640, Spanish Slave traders dominated at Cacheu in Greater Senegambia. Their undocumented voyages paid no taxes to Portugal. We only know about them because they appear in documents in the form of unsuccessful Portuguese efforts to repress them.

By the mid-seventeenth century, Africans and their descendants in the Caribbean began to outnumber whites very substantially. This demographic imbalance escalated during the eighteenth century. Because of their reputation as rebels, Greater Senegambians became less welcome. Although Greater Senegambians were feared in Spanish colonies, they were readily accepted - if not preferred - in the colonies eventually incorporated in the United States, where black/white ratios were much more manageable and therefore security problems did not loom as large. The Greater Senegambians’ skills were especially needed in rice and indigo production and in the cattle industries of Carolina, Georgia, the Florida panhandle, and Louisiana. During the eighteenth century, Greater Senegambians were more clustered in colonies that became part of the United States than anywhere else in the Americas. These colonial regions include the Carolinas, Georgia, Louisiana, the lower Mississippi Valley, and the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico extending across Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, the Florida panhandle, and, to a lesser extent, Maryland and Virginia. The Stono Rebellion of 1739 has focused attention on West Central Africa as a source for enslaved Africans brought to South Carolina. But a majority of Atlantic slave trade voyages arrived in South Carolina from West Central Africa during only one decade: between 1730 and 1739. The Stono Rebellion of 1739, well described as a Kongo revolt, evidently discouraged South Carolina planters from bringing in more West Central Africans. Thereafter, Greater Senegambia became the major source of Atlantic slave trade voyages for the rest of the eighteenth century. But the number of slaves on voyages arriving from Greater Senegambia was substantially smaller than on voyages arriving from other African regions. West Central Africa did not become a significant source of Africans for South Carolina again until 1802: only six years before the foreign slave trade to the United States was outlawed on January 1, 1808. From the study of transatlantic slave trade voyages, it appears that during the eighteenth century the United States was the most important place where Greater Senegambians were clustered after the northern European powers legally entered the Atlantic slave trade. [Siphiwe note: thus, two issues arise - 1) what was the “illegal” slave trade; and 2) how did the slave trade become “legal” - serious scholars pursuing reparations who can show that their ancestors were enslaved in the “illegal” slave trade have a special kind of legal argument; #2 can be contested - whose law? Certainly it was not any law of the Balanta, for example, that made slavery “legal” because ALL historians have documented that the BALANTA did not enslave people or participate in the transatlantic slave trade - so how do conflicts between competing international legal jurisdiction get resolved?]

Studies of transatlantic slave trade voyages to the United States are reasonably revealing about trends in ethnic composition because there was no large-scale, maritime transshipment trade to colonies of other nations. This conclusion must be qualified because of the unknown, and probably unknowable, extent and ethnic composition of new Africans transshipped from the Caribbean to the east coast ports of the United States. But it is likely that Greater Senegambians were quite significant in this traffic because of selectivity in the transshipment trade from the Caribbean. From the point of view of African ethnicities arriving in South Carolina, the artificial separation between Senegambia and Sierra Leone obscures the picture. Thus the role of Greater Senegambians was very important in South Carolina. There is evidence that Senegambians were clustered regionally in the Chesapeake and probably elsewhere as well, especially on the Sea Islands off the coast of South Carolina and other rice-growing areas of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida. The patterns for Louisiana are clear and not at all speculative. Greater Senegambians loomed large among African there. In the French slave trade to Louisiana, 64.3 percent of the Africans arriving on clearly documented French Atlantic slave trade voyages came from Senegambia narrowly defined. Based on The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database for British voyages to the entire northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico as well as additional Atlantic slave voyages found in Louisiana documents that were included in the Louisiana Slave Database but not in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, this writer’s studies show that slave trade voyages coming from Senegambia were 59.7 percent of all documented voyages coming directly from Africa to Louisiana and the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico between 1770 and 1803. . . .

In the two major rice-growing states of the Anglo-United states, 44.4 percent of Atlantic slave trade voyages arriving in South Carolina and 62 percent arriving in Georgia listed in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database brought Africans from Greater Senegambia. These gross, static figures are impressive enough. But when we break down calculations for Anglo-United States colonies and states over time and place, we see a wave pattern clustering Africans from Greater Senegambia.

In South Carolina, 50.4 percent of all Atlantic slave trade voyages to that colony entered into The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database arrived between 1751 and 1775, with 100 (35.2 percent) coming from Senegambia and 58 (20.4 percent) coming from Sierra Leone: a total of 55.6 percent coming from Greater Senegambia.

As we have seen, both Mandingo and Fulbe were being exported from both of these regions. During this time period, Britain had occupied the French slave-trading posts along the coast of Senegambia. Close to half (44.7 percent) of the British Atlantic slave trade voyages from Senegambia (narrowly defined: excluding Sierra Leone) went to Britain’s North American mainland colonies. Five out of six Atlantic slave trade voyages to British West Florida ports along the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico came from Senegambia narrowly defined.

It is safe to say that between 1751 and 1775, the majority of slaves loaded aboard British ships leaving from Senegambia were sent to regions that would become part of the United States.

As Yankee traders and Euro-African [Siphiwe note: mixed race mulatto children] took over the Atlantic slave trade on these coasts during the Age of Revolutions, voyages bringing Africans to the United States from Greater Senegambia originated mainly in various ports on the American side, were heavily involved in smuggling and piracy, were never documented in European archives, and were unlikely to be included in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. There is little doubt that most of these voyages brought Greater Senegambians to the United States and to the British Caribbean.

Although the Igbo from the Bight of Biafra loomed large in the Chesapeake, Greater Senegambia was a formative culture in some regions of the Chesapeake as well. Lorena Walsh has noted that nearly half of the voyages bringing about 5,000 Africans to Virginia between 1683 and 1721 came from Senegambia narrowly defined. There was a clustering of Atlantic slave trade voyages from the same African coasts to regional ports in the Chesapeake.

In sum, The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database is probably less useful for Greater Senegambia than for any other African region except perhaps for West Central Africa. . . . Thus there are a comparatively small number of transatlantic slave trade voyages from Greater Senegambia because in many instances the point of origin was improperly entered. As we have noted before, the database defines the African coast recorded in documents as “Guinea” or the “Rivers of Guinea” as an unknown African coastal origin, writing the mistake into cybernetic stone. These voyages are lumped indistinguishably with unidentified African coasts and cannot be dis-aggregated for calculations. . . .

Many of the two-way voyages between North America and Africa were undocumented. Documents for other voyages are probably scattered among surviving documents in ports throughout the Americas.

We have seen that there is evidence for ongoing, direct trade involving American slave owners/traders/ship owners, often-overlapping categories, and Euro-African merchants [Siphiwe note: mixed race mulatto children] in Greater Senegambia. These small voyages were probably numerous and undocumented. Enslaved Africans were purchased directly by slave owners for their own use rather than for resale in the Americas. These slaves therefore do not show up in European or American sources, either in lists of incoming ships, advertisements for the sale of newly arriving slaves, or documents involving sale of slaves.

The large, centralized European archives documenting large, commercial voyages are very unlikely to contain documents involving privately organized voyages initiated in the Americas. Before the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, Afro Portuguese [Siphiwe note: mixed race mulatto children] and Yankee traders and smugglers had taken over the slave trade along the coast south of the Gambia River. Jean Gabriel Pelletan, director of the French Company of Senegal in 1787-88, wrote that French slave trade ships rarely stopped between the Gambia and the Sierra Leone rivers because Afro-Portuguese [Siphiwe note: mixed raced mulatto children] drove their rivals away by force. After the French Revolution began in 1789, these invisible voyages from Greater Senegambia increased sharply. By 1794, Yankee traders had seized control of the maritime slave trade from the French and set up trading stations, although a few voyages were organized by French slave traders under neutral flags. After 1808, when Britain outlawed the Atlantic slave trade, British anti-slave trade patrols began operation along the West Coast of Africa above the equator. Warfare among the major European powers brought the open, large-scale, commercial Atlantic slave trade in Greater Senegambia to a halt.”

BALANTAS TAKEN FROM THE SOUTHERN RIVERS AREA

Finally, it should be noted that In the 1750’s Merchants of Grao Para and Maranhao (Brazil) call for an increase in its slave imports from Guinea for sugar, cotton, rice and cacao production and are authorized by the Crown to form a slave trading and commercial company. In an excerpt taken from Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade by Boubacar Barry writes:

“Walter Rodney gives estimates of slaves shipped in the Southern Rivers area, which remained the main market for British, French and Portuguese slave traders operating in Senegambia. From 1754 on, Bissau and Cacheu became the principal entrepots for the large-scale export of slaves, fed by the revival of manhunts and warfare in the hinterland. In 1789, the Southern Rivers easily exported over 4,000 slaves. In 1788, French navel intelligence reports estimated the number of slaves exported by the British at 3,000 from Gambia, 2,000 from Casamance, Cacheu, and Bissau, and 4,000 from Sierra Leone.

The critical evaluation conducted by Jean Mettas on Portuguese commerce at Bissau and Cacheu between 1758 and 1797, under the near-total monopoly of the Companhia General do Grao Para e Maranhao, gives a good idea of Senegambia’s contribution to the development of certain parts of Brazil. The turnover of slaving vessels owned by the C.G.G.P.M. at Cacheu and Bissau was exceptionally rapid. Between 1756 and 1778, the total number of voyages was as high as 105. Jean Mettas estimates that the Portuguese shipped an annual average of 420 captives from Cacheu between 1758 and 1777, while Bissau, more open to the inflow of French or British slavers, shipped an annual average of 620 slaves from 1767 to 1773. It is a remarkable fact that in the second half of the eighteenth century the number of slaves exported averaged slightly over 1,000 per year. The uninterrupted drain caused by Portuguese traders was particularly devastating for the inhabitants of the Southern Rivers: the Balanta, Bijago, Joola, Manjak, Bainuk, Papel, Nalu, Beafada, and, to a lesser extent Manding and Peul from the hinterland. The Portuguese monopoly belonged to the C.G.G.P.M., a chartered company whose slaving business was part of a vast enterprise of interconnected activities in Portugal and Brazil. Its profits were impressive: starting with a capital base of 465,600,000 reis, the company succeeded in paying out 17,396,600 reis to its shareholders between 1759 and 1777, with a rate of profit running at 11.50 percent from 1768 to 1774.”

When the American Revolutionary War begins, Americans increase imports of rice and cotton from Maranhao, which requires more slaves from Guinea. Historian Walter Hawthorne writes,

by 1755 the unregulated trade in slaves from Bissau was booming. That year, Portuguese officials in Cacheu reported that Portuguese and French ships were leaving the island with ‘substantial cargoes of captives.’ The Company of Grao Para e Maranhao, which was accorded monopoly trading privileges for the Guinea -Bissau region beginning in 1755. The company had been created to supply the Brazilian states of Par and Maranhao with slave laborers. By 1775 the company had completed a fort, the Praca de Jose de Bissau. The fort had strong 40-foot-high stone walls that formed a square, at the corners of which were four bulwarks. Trenches surrounded all of this. And the company had an enormous holding pen for slaves. Like the Portuguese government had on many occasions before, the Company of Grao Para e Maranhao sought to undercut the power of Luso African traders who lived in the region. The company was especially keen on defending its monopoly trading rights, and it feared Luso Africans would not recognize these. With British vessels regularly purchasing slaves in Bissau and Geba from ‘Portuguese’ in the 1760’s, the company’s fears were well grounded.”

APPLYING THE ABOVE TO GENEALOGY RESEARCH: BALEKA FAMILY CASE STUDY

From the above, we learn that:

  1. Since 1640, slave traders began an undocumented, illegal slave trade from the port of Cacheu to avoid paying taxes to Portugal.

  2. Between 1751 and 1775, the majority of slaves loaded aboard British ships leaving from Senegambia were sent to regions that would become part of the United States.

  3. In South Carolina, 50.4 percent of all Atlantic slave trade voyages to that colony entered into The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database arrived between 1751 and 1775, with 100 (35.2 percent) coming from Senegambia.

  4. Voyages bringing Africans to the United States from Greater Senegambia originated mainly in various ports on the American side, were heavily involved in smuggling and piracy, were never documented in European archives, and were unlikely to be included in The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database.

  5. Many of the two-way voyages between North America and Africa were undocumented.

  6. There is evidence for ongoing, direct trade involving American slave owners/traders/ship owners, often-overlapping categories, and Euro-African merchants in Greater Senegambia. These small voyages were probably numerous and undocumented. Enslaved Africans were purchased directly by slave owners for their own use rather than for resale in the Americas. These slaves therefore do not show up in European or American sources, either in lists of incoming ships, advertisements for the sale of newly arriving slaves, or documents involving sale of slaves.

  7. 90% of the documented slave voyages from the Balanta homelands near the ports of Cacheu and Bissau were by The Company of Grao Para e Maranhao (C.G.P.M.). However, most of their voyages went to Brazil and the Caribbean, not directly to the British North American colonies.

  8. C.G.P.M. did have a commercial network with the American colonies importing rice and cotton.

  9. Thus, if you have an English name and your ancestor is Balanta, it is most likely that your ancestor came to America either through a commercial network incolving C.G.P.M. or arrived through illegal and undocumented British slave trading.

Now consider, this example. The North Carolina Wills and Probate Records, 1819 for “Demsey Blake”, show that he bequeathed to his son Asa Blake his “negro man Jack” who happens to be my great, great, great, great grandfather. That same year, 1819, Jack had a son called Yancey, my great, great, great grandfather. The North Carolina, Wills and Probate Records of 1850 states, “I, Asa Blake of the County of Wake and State of North Carolina . . . I leave to my well beloved wife Siddy (or Ciddy or Liddy) Blake . . . the following negroes (to wit) a negro man Jack, +Yancy, and also a negro woman [S]ealy and Matilda . . .” Meanwhile, the North Carolina Marriage Records show that Jack was emancipated and married Cherry Blake on October 10, 1853. Now Jack’s father was Brassa Nchabra, who was captured as a young boy from his homeland in Nhacra, just east of the slave ports of Cacheu and Bissau, and brought to Charleston South Carolina sometime between 1758 and 1775. There is no record, however, listing Brassa Nchabra, who was given the English name “George” after the despicable slave holder George Washington. How did Brassa Nchabra arrive in Charleston, South Carolina? We may never have definitive proof because it is likely he was brought by the prominent slave-holding Blake family.

Dempsey Blake was born in 1757 in Wake County, North Carolina were my great, great, great grandfather Yancey Blake was born in 1819. Dempsey Blake’s great, great grandfather was Admiral Robert Blake. According to the book Southern Blakes by Kate Blake,

“Sir Robert Blake was born in 1599 in Bridgwater, Somerset, England and died in 1657. He became famous in the War with Holland. When Civil War raged in England between Parliament and Charles the First, his naval forces destroyed the Squadron of Prince Rupert, the Royalist General. For this he was made Commander-in-Chief of the English Fleet. He won four victories over the Dutch Admiral, Martin Tromp, in 1652 and 1653, resulting in England becoming Mistress of the Seas.

 Blake was sent by Cromwell to the Mediterranean Sea in 1654 to avenge British insults to the British Flag and near Tunis he attacked and destroyed a fortified harbor. Tunis and Algiers made terms at once, releasing all prisoners and paying an indemnity.

 Blake also made a bold attack on the Spanish Fleet at Santa Cruz in the Canary Islands. He seized booty amounting to $14,000,000. He died of scurvy on his way home, while in sight of Plymouth (1657). Sir Robert was knighted for his services in 1654. Sir Robert’s younger brother settled in what is now South Carolina.

Thomas Blake {Dempsey Blake’s great grandfather] was the grandson of Sir Robert Blake and the son of one of the two sons of Sir Robert. . . . There is ample proof that Thomas Blake who settled in Isle of Wight County, Virginia, was a ship owner of considerable wealth. There is also proof that he was paid in land for the numerous indentured people he brought to Virginia Colony. He owned at least two ships, accumulated property in the new world and sometime around 1664, settled permanently in Isle of Wight.

Concerning Sir Robert’s younger brother that settled in South Carolina, in 1663, soon after his restoration to the English throne, Charles II granted eight Lords Proprietors – including Baron Berkeley of Stratton (1602–1678) - a huge tract of territory south of Virginia. The Lords Proprietors sought easy profits by renting lands and selling a wide variety of commodities. They recognized that a slave colony in Carolina held the greatest commercial promise. A group of colonists from Barbados wished to settle in Carolina and bring their slaves with them. They pressed the Lords Proprietors to establish a headright system under which the heads of all households would be allotted acreage on the basis of the number of people who accompanied them. The proprietors assented by granting ‘the Owner of every Negro-Man or Slave, brought thither to settle within the first year, twenty acres, and for every Woman Negro or Slave five acres.’

The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine Vol. 1, No. 2 (April, 1900), pp. 153-166 states,

“This distinguished Carolina family is descended, as Oldmixon tells us, from a brother of Admiral Blake. In his History of the British Empire in America, Oldmixon writes, ‘I say more of Mr. Blake because his family is one of the most considerable in this Province; where he arrived in the year 1683, with several other Families the followers of his fortune.’

[Footnotes 1 and 2 state] ‘T’was about this time, that the Persecution raise’d by the Popish Faction, and their adherents, in England, against the Protestant Dissenters, was at its height; and no Part of this Kingdom suffer’d more by it than Somersetshire.  The Author of this History liv’d at that time with Mr. Blake, brother to the famous General of that name being educated by his Son-in-law, who taught School in Bridgewater: and remembers, tho’ then very young, the reasons old Mr. Blake us’d to give for leaving England: One of which was, That the miseries they endur’d, meaning the Dissenters then, were nothing to what he foresaw would attend the Reign of a Popish successor; wherefore he resolv’d to remove to Carolina: and he had so great an Interest among Persons of his principles, I mean Dissenters, that many honest substantial Persons engaged to go over with him. [Oldmixon, Car. Col: 2 p. 407]. 

Warrant to Maj: Maurice Matthews: To lay out to Capt: Benjamin Blake 1090 acres of land in some place not yet laid out &c the said land being due to the said Benjamin Blake by and for the transportation into this province of himself and 21 persons whose names are recorded in the Secretarys Office in the said province &c 10 May 1682 &c Dated 18 March 1683. Joseph Morton &c Sec: Office Bk 1682-92 p 243. This was probably Pawlets; The grant to Plainsfield, 1000 acres was 5 July 1683.’

What estate he sold in England he sold to carry the effects along with him . . . .

Benjamin Blake of Plainsfield and Pawlets, Esq: J.P, Lords Proprietors Deputy and Member of the Grand Council of Carolina, Gov: Archdale in his Descriptions of Carolina says: ‘In Gov: Moretons time General Blake’s Brother with many Dissenters, came to Carolina, which Blake being a wise and prudent person of an heroic temper of spirit, strengthened the hands of sober inclin’d people and kept under the first loose and extravagant spirit, &c. The Governor, as we are told marry’d Mrs. Elizabeth Blake his daughter, and by this alliance the strength of their party was so increas’d that we hear little of the other till Mr. Colleton’s government.’ Capt. Blake received considerable grants of land in the province and settled the large plantations of Plainsfield and Pawlets in Colleton County. About the year 1685 he was appointed Lords Proprietors deputy and in October of that year signed the new constitutions and oath of allegiance to King James.

He served in the Council during the administration of Gov Moreton and Colleton: the Lords Proprietors recommended him ‘as a confidential man’ and appointed him Clerk of the Crown and Peace for S. Carolina. In 1686 he was commissioner under the act for public defence and in 1687 one of the committees to revise the constitutions which drew up a new form of government for the province. Capt. Blake died about the year 1689 and was succeeded by his son:

Right Hon Colonel Joseph Blake of Plainsfield and Pawlets, Esp: S.P., Landgrave of Carolina, one of the true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of Carolina (after the Crown purchased the proprietors' interests in 1729 and transferred Baron Berkely’s proprietorship to Joseph Blake) and twice Governor of South Carolina. Was born and educated in England. He probably followed his father to Carolina and on his death was appointed Lords Proprietors deputy in his stead but was removed by Gov. Sothell, Oct. 1690. The Proprietors remonstrated and reappointed Blake to Gov. Ludwells council, Nov 1691. He served in Gov Ludwells and Smiths councils and on Gov: Smith’s resignation, Oct. 1694, succeeded him as Governor of the province and was created a Landgrave. Col. Blake provided for defence of the province ‘in these times of War with the French King’ and served as governor until Gov. Archdale’s arrival in 1695 and then as deputy in his new council. . . . Gov: Blake inherited a good estate, received large grants of land himself and acquired a considerable property. . . . Gov: Blake died 7th September 1700 and was succeeded by his only son: Hon Colonel Joseph Blake.

He was born in 1700 and educated probably partly in England. . . . Col. Blake inherited his father’s Proprietorship and landed estates, besides a good estate from his mother’s family including the Newington, Mt Boone and Cypress lands, some 6000 acres, and the fine Newington mansion, where he chiefly resided. His Proprietorship was surrendered to the King under Act of Parliament 1729. . . .

William Blake (2nd son of Hon: Joseph Blake) of Plainsfield and Pawlets . . . . was born at Newington in 1739 and educated in England. He received a large fortune from his father and acquired considerable estates in England and Carolina. . . .

According to SLAVEHOLDERS FROM 1860 SLAVE CENSUS SCHEDULES transcribed by Tom Blake, the following descendants of the South Carolina Blakes would become some of the biggest slave holders

JOSEPH BLAKE, at SC, Beaufort, roll 1231, page 89 of Prince William Parish, holding 575 slaves

ARTHUR BLAKE, at SC, Charleston, roll 1232, page 307B, holding 538 slaves.

DANIEL BLAKE, at SC, Colleton, roll 1234 page 103 of St. Bartholomew, holding 527 slaves.

BLAKE Beaufort Co., SC

BLAKE, Colleton Co., SC

BLAKE, Holmes Co., MS

BLAKE, King William Co., VA

BLAKE, Leon Co., FL

BLAKE, Warren Co., MS

Returning to the book Southern Blakes by Kate Blake,

“On April 10th, 1704, the above said Thomas, for love and natural affection as a consideration, deeded 100 acres to his son, William Blake, both then being of the Upper Parish of said County, Isle of Wight, Va. . . . For about the time Thomas gave William a deed for 100 acres, Nicholas Sessums gave a similar deed for a 100 acres to his daughter, Mary Blake, and his son-in-law William Blake; and I am of the opinion that these deeds were marriage gifts. . . . Nicholas Sessums was a man of much property, owned 1000 acres of land, numerous slaves . . . .

Now the Blakes, William Sr. and William Jr. – father and son – held the tract of land on Walnut Creek near Raleigh, for a period of nearly thirty years; 14 years while it was in old Johnston County, and the remainder of that period while it was in Wake County.

William Jr. received a grant of land 1730; and in 1735 he sold it to Joshua Claude; and he went to North Carolina and received a grant of land in Edgecombe County, 1744 – which land was actually located in what is now Warren County. . . . This William received a grant of land in old Edgecombe County, N.C., 1744, . . . Moreover, Edgecombe County, as of that date, was a small empire- 19 counties having been created from it in later days. Thus, it would be hard to determine just where this 1744 grant was actually located – but as a guess, I would say that it was in what later became Bute, County, and still later Warren County, N.C., land located on North Side of Fishing Creek. Our next record of the said William No. 2, was found in Granville County, which county was set off from Edgecombe, 1746. He purchased a tract of 250 acres from one George Rollison, both parties of Granville County, April 17th, 1750, and paid for it with Virginia money; said tract of land being half of a grant of 500 acres to John Alston, North Side of Fishing Creek. . . . John Pullen, the party to whom William (No. 3) and Lucy Blake sold, just before they set out for Georgia, sold both the William Blake (no.2) tract and John Blake tract, to Co. Theophilus Hunter – one of the great early characters of both Johnston County and Wake County.”

William Blake Sr. had a son, Joseph B. Blake, who was born in 1727 in the Isle of Wight, Isle of Wight County, Virginia and died in Wake County, North Carolina on August 19, 1771 at the age of 44.

William Blake Sr.’s will was probated in 1746 and gave lands to four of his children, including Joseph Blake, whose son Dempsey Blake was born in 1757 in Wake, North Carolina (mother is Elizabeth Hobsgood). Dempsey had brothers named Asa Blake and Sessums Blake. Dempsey married Susannah Sorrell and fathered Anna Blake, Patsey Massey, Asa Blake, Betsy Blake, and Mary Page. Joseph Blake died in 1771 in Wake County. According to Wake County Records, Dempsey Blake was granted 552 acres on both sides of Crabtree Creek in 1779.

Dempsey Blake is listed in the 1790 Census for Wake County, North Carolinas owning 7 slaves.

In 1797 Dempsey Blake bought from the estate of John Jones and William Brown. Asa Blake (Dempsey’s brother) also purchased from William Brown’s estate. In 1799, Dempsey purchased from the estate of Theophilus Hunter (see 18 above) and in 1800 he purchased from the estate of James “Waldrope” (in another source, he is James Wardrope).

According to the North Carolina Wills and Probate Records, 1819 for “Demsey Blake”, he bequeathed to his son Asa Blake his “negro man Jack”. That same year, Jack had a son named Yancey Blake.

So we can see from this history that Dempsey Blake belonged to an infamous family of private slave traders who got their start from their mercenary pirate ancestor, Robert Blake, who made the family fortune by robbing Spanish ships off the coast of West Africa. Given Gwendolyn Midlo Hall’s research excerpted above, the Blake family is exactly the kind of people who engaged in the illegal British slave trade that brought slaves to Charleston, South Carolina and Chesapeake, Virginia. Thus, it is unlikely that I will be able to find any record documenting the capture and transport of Brassa Nchabra to Charleston, SC.

Finally, the lack of records, however, indicates that such trading, including that of my great, great, great, great, great grandfather was illegal. And this is ground for a new kind of reparations case claiming that the enslavement of people through such channels was considered illegal by the European and American laws at the time. The case could not have been made in the 1760’s by Brassa Nchabra as a young boy that could not speak English, but the case can certainly be made now.

THE MALI KINGDOM AND MANSA MUSA WERE IMPERIALIST SLAVE TRADERS: REVISITING AFRICAN HISTORY FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF THE PEOPLE WHO WERE OPPRESSED

Mansa Musa.JPG

Every year during Black History Month, many well-meaning people post information that they know little about. Recently I saw a post about the “Great Mail Kingdom” that glorified one if its leaders, Mansa Musa (King of Mali from 1307 to 1332), since he was considered to be one of the wealthiest men in history. Such Black History posts, however, are very disturbing because they show a lack of critical understanding of that history. I commented that I am providing an alternative reading of Mansa Musa which I think is equally significant. We have to re-read African history from a more informed point of view instead of just repeating what was taught to us. Most of what we know comes from western scholarship which prejudiced “state societies” and so-called “great warriors and Kings” because that reflected their own political concepts. So “great kingdoms” were studied at the expense of other peoples and from the point of view of the people. We should not uncritically accept such perspectives.

I think promoting the slave traders of the great African Kingdoms, including Mansa Musa, IS misguided. That is not what we should be teaching our children, that because you become extremely wealthy by exploiting and enslaving people, that this makes you “great” in history. We should be explaining that ALL such systems of exploitation are WRONG, not glorifying them.

Previously, WE (African Americans) studied Africa generally because we did not know specifically where in Africa we came from, who our people are/were, and accordingly, where we fit into African history. Moreover, the history of Africa is written from the perspective of the "Great African Civilizations" and more specifically, from the viewpoint, events, and concerns of the "ruling class" and not from the viewpoint of the people and those who were oppressed by them. Because of genetic testing, we can study African History specifically to find out where one comes from and their place in history . We can reread African History so that the voice and narrative of the people is told and not just that of the rulers.

IBN BATTUTA DESCRIBES MALI IN 1352

When Ibn Battuta first visited Cairo in 1326, he undoubtedly heard about the visit of Mansa Musa (King of Mali from 1307 to 1332). Mansa Musa had passed through the city two years earlier making his pilgrimage to Mecca with thousands of slaves and soldiers, wives and officials. One hundred camels each carried one hundred pounds of gold. Mansa Musa performed many acts of charity and "flooded Cairo with his kindness." So much gold spent in the markets of Cairo actually upset the gold market well into the next century. Mali's gold was important all over the world. In the later Medieval period, West Africa may have been producing almost two-thirds of the world's supply of gold! Mali also supplied other trade items - ivory, ostrich feathers, kola nuts, hides, and slaves. No wonder there was talk about the Kingdom of Mali and its riches! And no wonder Ibn Battuta, still restless after his trip to Al-Andalus, set his mind on visiting the sub-Saharan kingdom. Here is an excerpt from his travel journal:

“Sometimes the sultan [of Mali] holds meetings in the place where he has his audiences. . . . Most often he is dressed in a red velvet tunic, made of either European cloth called mothanfas or deep pile cloth. . . . Among the good qualities of this people, we must cite the following:

  1. The small number of acts of injustice that take place there, for of all people, the Negroes abhor it [injustice] the most.

  2. The general and complete security that is enjoyed in the country. The traveler, just as the sedentary man, has nothing to fear of brigands, thieves, or plunderers.

  3. The blacks do not confiscate the goods of white men who die in their country, even when these men possess immense treasures. On the contrary, the blacks deposit the goods with a man respected among the whites, until the individuals to whom the goods rightfully belong present themselves and take possession of them.

  4. The Negroes say their prayers correctly; they say them assiduously in the meetings of the faithful and strike their children if they fail these obligations. On Friday, whoever does not arrive at the mosque early finds no place to pray because the temple becomes so crowded. The blacks have a habit of sending their slaves to the mosque to spread out the mats they use during prayers in the places to which each slave has a right, to wait for their master’s arrival.

  5. The Negroes wear handsome white clothes every Friday. . . .

  6. They are very zealous in their attempt to learn the holy Quran by heart. In the event that their children are negligent in this respect, fetters are place on the children’s feet and are left until the children can recite the Quran from memory. On a holiday I went to see the judge, and seeing his children in chains, I asked him ‘Aren’t you going to let them go?’ He answered, ‘I won’t let them go until they know the Quran by heart.’ Another day I passed a young Negro with a handsome face who was wearing superb and carrying a heavy chain around his feet. I asked the person who was with me, ‘What did that boy do? Did he murder someone?’ The young Negro heard my question and began to laugh. My colleague told me, ‘He has been chained up only to force him to commit the Quran to memory.’

    Some of the blameworthy actions of these people are:

    1. The female servants and slaves, as well as little girls, appear before men completely naked. . . .

    2. All the women who come into the sovereign’s house are nude and wear no veils over their faces; the sultan’s daughter also go naked. . . .

The copper mine is situated outside Takedda. Slaves of both sexes dig into the soil and take the ore to the city to smelt it in the houses. As soon as the red copper has been obtained, it is made into bars one and one-half handspans long - some thin, some thick. Four hundred of the thick bars equal a ducat of gold; six or seven hundred of the thin bars are also worth a ducat of gold. These bars serve as a means of exchange in place of coin. With the thin bars, meat and firewood are bought; with the thick bars, male and female slaves, millet, butter, and wheat can be bought.

The copper of Takedda, is exported to the city Couber [Gobir], situated in the land of the pagan Negroes. Copper is also exported to Zaghai [Dyakha-western Masina] and to the land of Bernon [Bornu], which is forty days distant from Takedda and is inhabited by Muslims. Idris, king of the Muslims, never shows himself before the people and never speaks to them unless he is behind a curtain. Beautiful slaves, eunuchs, and cloth dyed with saffron are brought from Bernon [Bornu] to many different countries. . . .”

40 DAYS JOURNEY FROM TAKEDDA (Mali Muslims) to BORNU (pagan Negroes of the south)

40 DAYS JOURNEY FROM TAKEDDA (Mali Muslims) to BORNU (pagan Negroes of the south)

Here, then, Ibn Battuta is describing a Muslim Mali society completely abhorrent to our Balanta ancestors living in the region. Such a society violated their Great Belief which centered on equality. Thus, any kind of hierarchy creating masters and slaves, rulers [kings or Mansas] and subjects, was a direct threat to the Balanta way of life. The idea of shackling children to force them into the foreign indoctrination of a false religion of conquest is an offense of the greatest magnitude.

Below is an excerpt from Volumes II and III of Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain, which serves as an example of a more informed, re-reading of the History of Mali:

Keita Clan

“While the Soninke lived just south of the Sahara Desert, in the Wagadu Confederation, the Malinke occupied mostly the middle and southern parts of the savannah, near the forest belt. There was peaceful coexistence between both the Soninke and the Malinke (Mandinka). Actually, they both belong to the Mande people.

The Keita Clan was one of many groups near the forest belt. They were originally centered in Kangaba, on the Niger River, which was about 250 miles south of Koumbi.

Exiled Egyptians: The Heart of Africa by Moustafa Gadalla, p.173

Exiled Egyptians: The Heart of Africa by Moustafa Gadalla, p.173

In 1230, Sundiata was declared the chief of Kangaba. . .

Sundiata Kangaba began to expand his authority by force, in the name of Islam. His forces began the ugly slave raiding and trade, with their Moslem masters. So, Sundiata became the first main sub-Sahara supplier of slaves.

In order for the aggressive Keita gangsters to justify attacking their northern neighbors, they came up with the story that they were threatened by the Soninke. The Almoravid Berbers who couldn’t destroy the Soninke, got Sundiata to attack them.

In 1235, at the battle of Kirina, Sundiata defeated the Soninke army. Five years later, all of Wagadu was incorporated into his domains, destroying a peaceful civilization. Sundiata shifted his place of residence from Jeriba in Kangaba to a new city, Niani, further down the Niger.

The term Mali, meaning where the king lives, came to be applied to the new Mandingo State created by Sundiata’s Keita Clan.”

Mali

Gadalla continues:

“After Sundiata, the rulers of the Islamic empire assumed the title of Mansa, which means emperor or sultan.

Since Sundiata was not in very good health, his immediate successor-son, Uli (c. 1255-1270), began the tradition among the ruling Keita Clan of following the wishes of their Moslem masters, by making a haj, a pilgrimage to the Moslem capital at Mecca, on the Arabian Peninsula. He came back infused with Mecca’s authority to attack his neighbors, in yet more Islamic jihads. Immediately thereafter, the Keita Clan of Kangaba conquered territories, stretching from mid-Senegal to the border of Niger.

The oral history of the Malinke from the 1200s onward stresses the connection of the Malinke to Islam so as to appease their Moslem masters. An outlandish link of Sundiata’s ancestor with Arabia is believed to be an example of this ‘connection.’

The Keita Clan emerged as a dominant power in sub-Sahara Africa, and controlled the trans-Saharan trades from about 1200 to 1500CE. In the days of the Keita Islamic rule, a major trading rout across the Sahara to Tunis and to Cairo, was utilized often, because Moslem rulers needed slaves that the Keita Clan was obliged to provide. The Keita Clan betrayed their own kind, to make riches. Gradually the northeast trade route became the main one.

The new illegitimate dictatorial Islamic rule eliminated the matrilineal succession system. As a consequence, in the thirty years following the death of Sundiata, the Keita Islamic rule had five rulers.

There were three main periods of bloody disorder in the Keita’s rule, created by disputed claims to the throne. The first showed Sundiata succeeded by three sons, Uli, Wali, and Khalifa. The last son, Khalifa, was overthrown in a bloody coup by the adherents of Abu Bakr, considered to be the rightful heir, as the son of one of Sundiata’s daughters. Abu Bakr then took power.

Sakura, a freed slave of the royal family, managed to secure control of the army, and overthrew Abu Bakr’s reign in another bloody coup. Sakura was also overthrown in yet another bloody coup.

The third emperor of the 14th century, a descendant of a brother of Sundiata, was (Kankan) Mousa (Mansa), who went to the Islamic-besieged Cairo and Mecca, in 1324, where he was infused with authority to attack more neighbors and abduct more slaves, in the name of Islamic jihads.

On his return from Mecca, he conquered Gao and took two of its princes as hostages, along with other children of neighboring communities. These children acted as shields, preventing the Gao people from attacking Mousa’s court.

After Mansa Mousa’s death, probably in 1337, a brief struggle for power ensued before Sulayman, Mousa’s brother, came to the throne in 1341. After his death in 1360, various factions of the Keita Clan began to compete with each other for power, and their hold on power disintegrated.

In short, the empire was maintained by the exercise of dominion of a quasi-Islamic ruling class, by force (al-Umari writes of an army of 100,000, with 10,00 cavalry), for their own profit. As far as the Mande/Malinke subjects were concerned, they have never accepted this illegitimate exercise of power, and were never converted to Islam by their Moslem overlords. They maintained their indigenous traditions.”

Neither, my sons, were our Balanta ancestors, accepting of the illegitimate power, nor did they convert to Islam. Here then, is the ACTUAL point of connection between our most ancient Balanta ancestors, the Anu living in Ta-Nihisi (Nubia, Sudan) and the Balanta living today in Guinea Bissau. Walter Hawthorne writes in Strategies of the Decentralized, in the book Fighting The Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf:

“The Balanta claim that the region between the Rios Mansoa and Geba – an area they call Nhacra, which is part of the broader region of Oio – is their homeland. The Balanta say that they migrated there ‘in times long past’ from somewhere in the east. In addition, Balanta migration myths have two other common threads: the Balanta left the east because of conflicts with either state-based Mandinka or Fula, and these conflicts resulted from a Balanta propensity for stealing from their more prosperous neighbors or desire to avoid enslavement. For example, elder Estanislau Correia Landim told me, ‘The origin of the Balanta was in Mali. For reasons involving Balanta thefts, Malianos revolted against the Balanta. For this reason, Balanta left there. That is, some Balanta were stealing some things. When a thief was discovered, he resolved to kill the person who had discovered him. For this reason, Malianos chased after the Balanta. . . . When the Balanta left Mali, they went to Nhacra and then to Mansoa.”

THIS NARRATIVE THAT BALANTA PEOPLE WERE CATTLE THIEVES, HOWEVER, IS NOT ACCURATE. Balanta people were NOT cattle thieves. Domingos Broksas in the video below explains that in reality, when the Mandinka raided the Balanta villages, the Balanta would flee, leaving their cattle behind. Later, they would go and retrieve their cattle. This is called “Reparations”, not theft.

Mali slave traders.jpg

After Mansa Musa

John Jackson writes,

“Under [Mansa] Musa I, the Mali Empire embraced an area just about equal to that of western Europe. . . . [T]he lifeblood of the empire was trade; and taxes were the paramount source of income for the government. . . . foreign merchants who traded in Mali marveled at the prosperity of the region and noticed that even the common people were not oppressed by poverty. . . .

When Musa I died in 1332, he was succeeded by his son Maghan. Mansa Maghan was neither as wise nor able as his father, and during this reign Mali went into a decline. First, the city of Timbuktu was lost to enemy forces. . . . Secondly, Mansa Maghan was not alert enough to prevent the escape of the two Songhay princes whom his father had been holding as hostages. The escaped princes returned to Gao, where they established a new Songhay dynasty. Maghan died after a four-year reign, and was succeeded by his uncle, Sulayman – a brother of Mans Musa I. Mansa Sulayman was a sovereign of high competence, and he ably presided over the destinies of Mali until his death in 1359.

The great age of Mali was now at an end; for the later rulers were undistinguished men, under whom the empire disintegrated. About the year 1475, the Songhay Empire, with its capital at Gao, rose to supremacy in the west Sudan, as Mali continued to decline. In 1481 Portuguese sailors landed on the Atlantic coast of Mali. The Mali government attempted to hire these Portuguese as mercenaries to fight the rising power of Songhay, but the proposed alliance was never effected. Mali lingered on for nearly two centuries, but its day of greatness had passed into history, and if finally expired from innocuous desuetude. . . .

Balanta Migration.JPG

My sons, in Volume II, I outlined the environment in which our Balanta ancestors existed, from the death of Abu Bakr in 1087 and the fall of the Almoravids in Wagadu (Ghana), to the rise of the Sundiata and the Keita Clan of the Malinke (Mandinka) who, at the battle of Kirina in 1235 defeated his Soninke (Sosso) relatives, for both the Mandinka and Soninke were both Mande people. Sundiata’s victory of the Soninke army, first recorded in oral history by griots, and then written in the Epic of Sundiata, was the beginning of the new Mandinka State called Mali, meaning where the king lives.

The Keita Clan following the wishes of their Moslem masters, infused with Mecca’s authority, began to attack their neighbors, in yet more Islamic jihads following the Almoravids.  Because Moslem rulers needed slaves that the Keita Clan was obliged to provide. The Keita Clan betrayed their own kind, to make riches. This continued through Mali’s third Emperor, Mansa Musa, who died around 1337. At the time, the lifeblood of the empire was trade and taxes were the paramount source of income for the government. Our Balanta ancestors refused to pay those taxes. Moreover, Balanta Elder Estanislau Correia Landim stated, ‘The origin of the Balanta was in Mali. For reasons involving Balanta thefts, Malianos revolted against the Balanta. For this reason, Balanta left there. That is, some Balanta were stealing some things. When a thief was discovered, he resolved to kill the person who had discovered him. For this reason, Malianos chased after the Balanta. . . . When the Balanta left Mali, they went to Nhacra and then to Mansoa.

To be sure, Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali by D.T. Niane, Revised Edition states,

“It was from Do, also, that Sundiata ordered all his generals to meet him at Ka-ba on the Niger in the land of the king of Sibi. . . . The arms of Sundiata has subdued all the countries of the savanna. From Ghana in the north to Mali in the south and from Mema in the east to the Fouta in the West, all the lands had recognized Sundiata’s authority.

Epic of Sundiata.JPG

Sibi Kamandjan had gone ahead of Sundiata to prepare the great assembly which was to gather at Ka-ba, a town situated on the territory belonging to the country of Sibi. . . . Even before Djata’s arrival the delegations from all the conquered peoples had made their way to Ka-ba. Huts were hastily built to house all these people. When all the armies had reunited, camps had to be set up in the big plain lying between the river and the town. On the appointed day the troops were drawn up on the vast square that had been prepared. As at Sibi, each people were gathered round its king’s pennant. [Siphiwe note: As our Balanta ancestors did not have kings, they would not be included in this]. Sundiata had put on robes such as are worn by a great Muslim king. Balla Fasseke, the high master of ceremonies, set the allies around Djata’s great throne. Everything was in position. The sofas (infantryman, soldiers, warriors), forming a vast semicircle bristling with spears, stood motionless. The delegations of various peoples had been planted at the foot of the dais. A complete silence reigned. On Sundiata’s right, Balla Fasseke, holding his mighty spear, addressed the throng in this manner:

‘Peace reigns today in the whole country; may it always be thus . . . . I speak to you, assembled peoples. To those of Mali I convey Maghan Sundiata’s greeting; greetings tho those of Do, greetings to those of Ghana, to those from Mema greetings, and to those of Fakoli’s tribe. Greetings to the Bobo warriors and, finally, greetings to those of Sibi and Ka-ba. To all the peoples assembled, Djata gives greetings.

May I be humbly forgiven if I have made any omission. I am nervous before so many people gathered together.

Peoples, here we are, after years of hard trials, gathered around our savior, the restorer of peace and order. From the east to the west, from the north to the south, everywhere his victorious arms have established peace. . . .

In the world man suffers for a season, but never eternally. Here we are at the end of our trials. We are at peace. May God be praised. But we owe this peace to one man who, by his courage and his valiance, was able to lead our troops to victory.

Which one of us, alone, would have dared face Soumaoro? Ay, we were all cowards. How many times did we pay him tribute? The insolent rogue thought that everything was permitted him. What family was not dishonored by Soumaoro? He took our daughters and wives from us and we were more craven than women. He carried his insolence to the point of stealing the wife of his nephew Fakoli! We were prostrated and humiliated in front of our children. But it was in the midst of so many calamities that our destiny suddenly changed. A new sun arose in the east. After the battle of Tabon we felt ourselves to be men, we realized that Soumaoro was a human being and not an incarnation of the devil, for he was no longer invincible. A man came to us. He had heard our groans and came to our aid, like a father when he sees his on in tears. Here is that man. Maghan Sundiata, the man with two names foretold by the soothsayers. . . .’

Thereafter, one by one, the twelve kings of the bright savanna country got up and proclaimed Sundiata ‘Mansa’ in their turn. Twelve royal spears were stuck in the ground in front of the dias. Sundiata had become emperor. The old tabala of Niani announced to the world that the lands of the savanna had provided themselves with one single king. [Siphiwe note: According to Balanta elders, our Balanta ancestors were living in these lands of the savanna and we rejected such kingdoms and empire state structures because of the inequality that they inevitably produce. Thus, Balla Fasseke’s statement that ‘the lands of savanna had provided themselves with one single king’ must be taken with a grain of salt. Sundiata was definitely not the king of the Balanta]

When the imperial tabala had stopped reverberating, Balla Fasseke, the grand master of ceremonies, took the floor again following the crowd’s ovation. . . . Each people in turn came forward to the dais under Sundiata’s impassive gaze. . . . Sundiata got up and a graveyard silence settled on the whole place. The Mansa moved forward to the edge of the dais. Then Sundiata spoke as Mansa . . . .

‘Today I ratify forever the alliance between the Kamaras of Sibi and the Keitas of Mali. May these two people be brothers henceforth. In future, the land of the Keitas shall be the land of the Kamaras, and the property of the Kamaras shall be henceforth the property of the Keitas. May there nevermore be falsehood between a Kamara and a Keita and may the Kamaras feel at home in the whole extent of my empire.’

Sundiata took Tabon Wana’s spear and said, ‘Fran Kamara, my friend, I return your kingdom to you. May the Djallonkes and Mandingoes be forever allies. You received me in your own domain, so may the Djallonkes be received as friends throughout Mali. I leave you the lands you have conquered, and henceforth your children and your children’s children will grow up at the court of Niani where they will be treated like the princes of Mali.’

One by one all the kings received their kingdoms from the very hands of Sundiata, and each one bowed before him as one bows before a Mansa.

Sundiata pronounced all the prohibitions which still obtain in relations between the tribes. To each he assigned its land, he established the rights of each people and ratified their friendships. The Kondes of the land of Do became henceforth the uncles of the imperial family of Keita, for the latter, in memory of the fruitful marriage between Nare Maghan and Sogolon, had to take a wife in Do. The Tounkaras and the Cisses, Beretes and Toures were proclaimed great divines of the empire. No kin group was forgotten at Kouroukan Fougan; each had its share in the division. To Fakoli Koroma, Sundiata gave the kingdom of Sosso, the majority of whose inhabitants were enslaved. Fakoli’s tribe, the Koromas, which other call Doumbouya or Sissoko, had the monopoly of the forge, that is, of iron working. Fakoli also received from Sundiata part of the lands situated between the Bafing and Bagbe rivers. Wagadou and Mema kept their kings who continued to bear the title of Mansa, but these two kingdoms acknowledged the suzerainty of the supreme Mansa. The Konate of Toron became the cadets of the Keitas so that on reaching maturity a Konate could call himself Keita. . . .

Thus spoke the son of Sogolon at Kouroukan Fougan. Since that time his respected word has become law, the rule of conduct for all the peoples who were represented at Ka-ba.

So, Sundiata had divided the world at Kouroukan Fougan. He kept for his tribe the blessed country of Kita, but the Kamaras inhabiting the region remained masters of the soil.”

LISTEN TO A BALANTA HISTORIAN TELL THE ORAL HISTORY (IN ENGLISH)

My sons, thus have our Balanta ancestors been written out of history. Though living and present in these Savanna lands at the time, our Balanta ancestors were busy maintaining an egalitarian, non-state society that they preferred according to their spiritual Great Belief. It is a flaw of history to equate state-building with superiority and ignore people like our Balanta ancestors. This is how we have been written “out of history”. Nevertheless, we can reconstruct our history from this. Again, Balanta elders say that Malians revolted against the Balanta and that is why our ancestors left. They refused the domination of the Mali Empire, refused to pay taxes, and even conducted raids against the Mali oppressors. Consider this passage from the Epic of Sundiata:

“[Sundiata] restored in the ancient style his father’s old enclosure where he had grown up. People came from all the villages of Mali to settle in Niani. The walls had to be destroyed to enlarge the town, and new quarters were built for each kin group in the enormous army. . . . When reconstruction of the capital was finished, he went to wage war in the south in order to frighten the forest peoples. . . .

After a year Sundiata held a new assembly at Niani, but this one was the assembly of dignitaries and kings of the empire. The kings and notables of all the tribes came to Niani. The kings spoke of their administration and the dignitaries talked of their kings. Fakoli, the nephew of Soumaoro, having proved himself too independent, had to flee to evade the Mansa’s anger. His lands were confiscated and the taxes of Sosso were payed directly into the granaries of Niani. In this way, every year, Sundiata gathered about him all the kings and notables; so, justice prevailed everywhere, for the kings were afraid of being denounced at Niani.

Djata’s justice spared nobody. He followed the very word of God. . . . Each year long caravans carried the taxes in kind to Niani. You could go from village to village without fearing brigands. A thief would have his right hand chopped off and if he stole again he would be put to the sword.”

Finally, consider this from Nubia Kai, discussing in her new book, Kuma Malinke Historiography; Sundiata Keita to Almamy Samori Toure the first and last leaders of the Mali Empire from the 13th through the 15th centuries:

"Sundiata, the founder of the first and first emperor of Mali overcame a debilitating illness during his youth. He evaded the attempted murder initiated by his father's first wife Sassouma Beret, went into exile for several years with his mother Sogolon Conde and finally vanquished the despot [foreign name spoken] who had ruthlessly conquered and subjected the Manden kingdoms. Under his rule, the Manden kingdoms were reorganized into the Great Empire of Mali. He restored peace, order, justice and autonomy to the Mandinka kings and established alliances and solidarity with neighboring nations who were installed in the empire. [Sundiata's] greatest achievement which until recently was guarded in secrecy by a consensus of Mandinka griots was his abolition of slavery and the slave trade. His numerous conquests in West Africa were launched in order to enforce the oath of the Manden. The Edict officially banning slavery and slave trade in the empire.

Unfortunately, the slave trade and slavery was resumed 20 years after his death and apparently the national shame of the breaking of the oath compelled the griots to censure this significant event from the annals of Mali's official history, yet this effacement was public not private and initiated griots, the [foreign word spoken] were taught the history but had to swear never to reveal it.

[Foreign name spoken] who was the chief griot of Mali in the 1970s and 80s griot [foreign name spoken], made the decision to break the vow of silence and divulge this hidden history to a Malian historian, a modern Mali historian [foreign name spoken]. [Foreign name spoken] collected and published [foreign name spoken] [foreign words spoken]. Excuse my French for those of you who know the language right and I want to show you and talk about the oath of the Manden or it's also called the Manden Charter in the PowerPoint but I'm going to come back to that. . . . .Now this Manden Charter is as I said before, was a charter or an oath that was constructed at the beginning of the formation of the Mali Empire and with the information that came out, and this information came out in the 1980s, the secret history was revealed through [foreign name spoken].

Now scholars are trying to look, they have to kind of look again at the whole history of Mali because instead of some ruler Conte who was the enemy in the Epic of Sundiata Keita, he now becomes the hero or is a hero because he was the one who came up with the idea to end slavery in the Mali Empire and what he did he tried to call the Mandinka people to arms against [foreign name spoken] and against the Moor's [assumed spelling] and other Mandinka who were also trading in slaves.

Now this is 300 years before the transatlantic slave trade and it was pretty bad even at that time and I'm not going to go into all the details but if you want to read [foreign name spoken] text that, again, where he's recording [foreign name spoken] you can get the text, but they have not been translated. They're still in French. Anyway, [inaudible] comes up with the idea and when the Mandinka refuse to go along with him and ending slavery because some of the major leaders in the Manden were slavers.

They were big slavers and slave traders, so they refused. So, [foreign name spoken] this is when he launches his attack. He attacks the Mandinka people, kills 9 of the kings, impales their bodies on spikes, makes furniture out of the skins of his enemies and literally sells the people into slavery. That was his response when they refused to end slavery. That's why in the secret history he's known as a sacred despot. It sounds rather oxymoronic but he's called a sacred despot because the idea to end slavery and the slave trade was really [foreign name spoken] idea.

So, finally and you probably know the story because the Epic of Sundiata has now become part of the literary canon now, you're reading in colleges almost everywhere. You know the story how he's away in exile because his step-mother is trying to kill him. He's away and the envoys are sent to get him and when comes back he goes into, he has this war with [foreign name spoken] and eventually vanquishes him and then he becomes the emperor. But what happens is, just before his mother passes away, his mother is Sogolon Conde who tells him, look they're going to ask you to be the emperor but before you accept the position of emperor I want you to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the Mali Empire forever and of course he agreed to do this and so this is what he did.

This is why he goes onto this conquest of the outlying nations like the Jolof and [foreign name spoken] and other parts around Mali because he knew as long it continued in the outlying areas it was going to infiltrate back into the Manden proper. So, he creates an empire that was slave free, you know, an empire where slavery was forbidden and where the trade was forbidden and this is how the Charter goes.

The hunters refers to it because Sundiata was a hunter. "The hunters declare all human life is one life. It is true that one life may appear to exist before another life but one life is not more ancient or more respectable than another life.

Here we have the truth, but for the twenty years during Sundiata’s reign, the Mali Empire were the biggest slave traders before and after.

Thus my sons, the praise and honor that the kingdom of Mali receives by historians and ignorantly repeated by people today, is based on the idea that such state superstructures are an indication of superiority when, in fact, our Balanta ancestors recognized that the states like Mali created inequality and violated the Great Belief, and thus were resisted. We do not view the Empire of Mali as a point of pride because it was oppressive and continuously tried to dominate and enslave us. Unfortunately, it was during this period that the people known as “Portuguese” arrived.

Slave Markets in West Africa.jpg

MORE SERIOUS BLACK HISTORY

Main Slave Markets In West Africa Before the Europeans: Kano, Gao, Timbuktu and Djenne. It is worth noting, as Nehemia Levtzion & Randall L. Pouwels do in The History of Islam in Africa, that:

"Because Islam spread to West Africa from North Africa, Muslims there followed the Maliki school of law dominant in North Africa. On the other hand, in East Africa, where Islam came from the Arabian Peninsula, Muslims followed the Shafi’I school of law that prevailed in Arabia. Both regions, however, were exposed to the influence of the Ibadiyya sect. Ibadi merchants opened up trade across the Sahara and were among the first Muslims who reached western Sudan – as early as the eight and ninth centuries. But whatever converts they had made were reconverted to Maliki Islam by the eleventh century.

Soon after they had defeated the Byzantine imperial forces in the middle of the seventh century, the Arabs gained control over coastal North Africa. But for some time, the Arabs failed to impose their authority over the Berber tribes of the interior. Successive revolts of the Berbers, that forced the Arabs to withdraw, were referred to as ridda, the same term used when Arab tribes deserted the young Muslim community after the death of the Prophet. . . .

The next phase of the Berbers’ resistance to Arab rule occurred when Islam, throughout adherence to heterodox sects, first the Ibadiyya and then the Isma’iliyya. The Almoravids finally secured the victory of Sunni-Maliki Islam in the eleventh century. Under their Almohad successors, Islam in the Maghrib became imbued with the mysticism of the Sufis, who became the principle agents of Islamization in North Africa after the twelfth century.

Berber speaking nomads reached the southern Sahara and touched the Sahel in pre-Islamic times. They were well positioned to mediate Islamic influences between the Maghrib and the Western Sudan (known to the Arabs as ‘Bilad al-Sudan’). As Berber nomads occupied both shores of the Sahara, the dividing line between ‘white’ and ‘black’ Africa . . . was where the desert meets the Sahel, and where Berber-speaking nomads interacted with the Sudanic sedentaries. Along this line they cooperated in creating the termini of the Saharan trade. Today, this dividing line cuts across the modern African states of the Sahel – namely, Senegal, Mali, Niger, Chad and the Sudan. In all these states, except the Sudan, political power is with the black people of the south; it is also only in the Sudan that the dividing line is not only an ethnic but also a religious frontier.

As early as the eleventh century, Manding-speaking traders, ancestors of the Juula, traveled between the termini of the Saharan routes and the sources of the gold. They created a ‘commercial diaspora’, based on a shared religion as well as a collective language. A common legal system – the law of Islam (shari’a) – even if not strictly observed, contributed to mutual trust among merchants in the long -distance trade. Conversion to Islam became necessary for those who wished to join commercial networks. Though merchants opened routes and exposed isolated societies to external influences, they did not themselves engage in the propagation of Islam.

Conversion to Islam was the work of men of religion who communicated primarily with local rulers. The latter often became the first recipients of Islamic influence, and indication to the importance that states had in the process of Islamization. Thus, for some time Muslims lived under the hospitality of infidel kings, who generally were praised by Muslims for their benevolence toward the believers. This was the situation in eleventh century Ghana as is in nineteenth-century Asante. The process of Islamization advanced when Muslim clerics helped African kings to overcome severe droughts, as in the case of eleventh century Malal, or to secure victory, as in fourteenth-century Kano and sixteenth century Gonja. But, because only the king and his immediate entourage came under the influence of Islam, the ruling aristocracy adopted a middle position between Islam and the traditional religion, patronizing both Muslim divines and traditional priests. It was through the chiefly courts that Islamic elements filtered the culture of the common people. The symbiotic relations of Islam with the traditional religion has been illustrated in a novel by Ahmadou Kourouma, who remarked that everyone publicly proclaimed himself a devout Muslim, but privately feared the ‘fetish’. Muslim clerics who rendered religious services to Islamized chiefs became integrated into the sociopolitical system of the state by playing roles similar to those of traditional priests. Like traditional priests, Muslim clerics were politically neutral and could therefore act as peacemakers. Mosques, like shrines, were considered sanctuaries. . . .

In the great kingdoms of the Sahel, with international trade, Muslim centers of learning and close connections with the Muslim world, the kings developed greater commitment to Islam. But even these kings, like Mansa Musa of Mali and Askiya Muhammad of Songhay, were unable to relieve the monarchy of its pre-Islamic heritage. . . .

Around Lake Chad, the trade of Kanem to North Africa was mainly in slaves. As a result, Islam did not spread to the lands south of Lake Chad, which remained hunting grounds for slaves. . . .”

In the words of our great Pan African historian John Henrik Clarke,

“The African accepted the religious side and the spirituality, and Islam said something to the African that it did not say to the Arab and that it still says something to the African that it is not saying to them . . . . It was from Arabia that the religion came out, swept over into North Africa, and had its rapid growth. . . . The Muslim armies swept across most of Northern Africa. There was a little resistance from the Berbers – these are the relatives of the Arabs who had arrived much earlier. This resistance didn’t last too long. But this resistance died down, and Islam swept into the Western Sudan and began to convert Africans. . . . "

Many people, like the Balanta ancestors, living in Ta-Nihisi (Nubia/Kush/Sudan) began moving westward when people started abandoning the Great Belief and choosing leaders. By the time of Menes in 3100 BC, many had already left. Some went north into Ta-Meri, and some went west following the Darb el-Arbeen trade route from Selima to El Fasher in Darfur, a journey of about 20 days (600 miles) and from there, all the way to Lake Chad, where some of their older ancestors had already settled 10,000 years earlier! In this region different groups of people, including the Balanta, settled again for almost 3,000 years. When foreign invasions pushed more and more people, both Nilotic and Afro-Asian mulattoes, south into Lower Nubia, Upper Nubia and Southern Nubia, many of those people, due to population pressures and conflicts, began migrating west following the same Darb el-Arbeen trade route to El Fasher in Darfur. When they arrived, they found people already living there!

Over a period of time, the Sayfuwa of the ruling Magumi class established the Duguwa city states that gained control of the Sa-u alliance of settlements. Later, another group of people, the Tumagera, also affiliated with the Magumi ruling class, migrated from Ethiopia and Meroe west into the Kordofan region and then into the area between the Nile and Lake Chad and established the Tungur Confederation. . . .

According to Moustafa Gadalla,

“A decisive moment seems to have occurred in [Sa-u] history, when the early sites were abandoned except at the spirited (sacred) groves, and the population regrouped itself in larger settlements, each enclosed within a defensive wall from the 11th century onward. The defensive walls were built to protect them from the Islamic jihads, which intended to convert, kill or enslave them.” This is why another historian, Chancelor Williams writes, “The new fringe states of Darfur, Wadai and others under black Muslims offered no place of refuge for those whose very reason for flight was to maintain their own racial identity, dignity and religion. . . .”

Gadalla West African Map2.JPG

John Jackson reminds us in Introduction to African Civilizations,

“The Soninke rulers built up an empire by subduing neighboring tribes. This was comparatively easy, since the Ghanaians had fine weapons and tools of iron, and their neighbors did not. Besides iron, Ghana possessed another source of wealth that made it a power to be reckoned with, namely a seemingly inexhaustible supply of gold. . . . "

Gadalla continues:

“The Empire of Ghana started out as a kingdom, then annexed other kingdoms, and, like many other kingdoms of the past, evolved into an empire. . . . The Soninkes spoke the Mande language, and in that tongue, Ghana meant ‘warrior king’, and was adopted as one of the titles of the King of Wagadu. Another title of the king was Kaya Magha (‘king of gold’), in allusion to the vast gold treasures of the country. As the fame of the Soninke warrior kings, or Ghanas, spread over North Africa, the people there referred to both the king and the nation over which he ruled as ‘Ghana’. Early Islamic merchants, most of them from Syria, followed the soldiers and administrators into northern Africa. Later, as stability was assured and wealth increased, traders were drawn to the regions of sub-Sahara Africa. Interior trade routes were utilized, and the camel, which had been in general use in North Africa since before the 3rd century, provided the means for traversing the desert. . . . By the 10th century, a number of major trans-Saharan routes had been developed.

The Arab conquest of North Africa, by the early 8th century CE, concluded with lightning success. In a matter of months, a strip of territory, 100-200 miles deep, was under Arab control – all the way from the borders of Egypt to the Atlantic coast.

The North African and Arabian slave trade was vigorous, and the demand for slaves was high. Islamic law forbade the enslavement of free Moslems but tolerated the continued enslavement of peoples who converted after their capture. In the years of Islamic conquest, the pastoral Berber people had provided the bulk of these slaves. The larger part of the population north of the Atlas Mountains became converts to Islam and therefore could not legally be enslaved.

Starting in the 10th century CE, in order to keep the supply up to the demand, the Arab traders conspired with the nomad Berbers to organize raids, under the guise of Islamic jihads, into neighboring provinces where traditional African religions were practiced. These raids, more than anything, caused many people to declare conversion to Islam prior to being captured, to avoid the horrible raids of killing, kidnapping, enslaving and family break-ups. . . .

Because traditional ancient Egyptian and African religions don’t have a doctrine and are not mobilized in a cult-type camp with rules and regulations, they accept everyone’s right to believe in any way they wish. The Arabs/Moslems enjoyed this right when they settled among the peaceful people. However, the native people became a victim of their own charity.

In order to penetrate the society, Moslem clerics preached ‘social injustice’, a slogan intended to start a class warfare. . . . The preachers of ‘social injustice’ were behind the largest human enslavement in the history of mankind.

Another tactic was for the Moslem/Arab traders to help one side or the other in local disputes, i.e. to get a foothold, and then betray. Divide and conquer.

Though many Moslems lived in Wagadu (ancient Ghana), worked there, and even served the King, the tolerant people treated them fairly and in a friendly way. By 1050, a powerful new force swept through West Africa. A Moslem preacher named Ibn Yacin founded his Almoravid sect, a fanatic group of Moslems. The Almoravids, however, did not return the Ghanaian’s religious freedom in kind.

One of the Almoravids’ targets was Wagadu, whose Kings had repeatedly refused to convert to Islam.

The Islamic doctrine calls on Moslems to spread Islam, even by force if necessary. As a result, any Moslem with a superior arm can force his religion by killing others. The unarmed people have no choice but to convert to Islam or die. This self-righteous Moslem may choose instead to enslave any and all members of a non-Moslem family. Spreading Islam by ALL means is not an option, but a duty required by the Islamic doctrine.

There were also sanctions for pursuing the jihad, or holy war, against those who had not been converted. Those who die in battle against non-Moslems, would die in a holy cause.

Each of these Islamic jihads had the same process. Just like any terror campaign, they required financing and hiring of mercenaries. All these terror campaigns started at the beginning point of Islam, i.e. Mecca. The story is the same all along the 2000-mile (3200 km) Sahel. For about 1000 years – a Moslem cleric, or leader, living in Africa, goes to Mecca, gets financial support, and is assigned as a ‘Moslem deputy caliph’ in his African region. He returns to declare Islamic jihad and supplies his masters with more slaves.

It always started with the usual intimidation, a (Moslem) gang will deliver a message to the leader of the peaceful non-Moslem group, to embrace Islam. Once people refuse and/or ignore this unsolicited intimidation, then as shamelessly stated in the Tarikh es Soudan (Soudan Chronicles), the Gangsters declared that it is:

‘Their duty is to fight them and straightaway, the Moslem fighters launched war against them, killing a number of their men, devastating their fields, plundering their habitations, and taking their children into captivity. All of the men and women who were taken away as captives were made the object of divine benediction [converted to Islam].’"

MORE HONEST SCHOLARSHIP NEEDS TO BE DONE ABOUT THE ISLAMIC JIHADS THAT TERRORIZED AND ENSLAVED THE VARIOUS FREE AND INDEPENDENT AFRICAN PEOPLES WHO WERE LIVING IN WEST AFRICA BEFORE THE ISLAMIC INVASIONS. WE ALREADY KNOW ABOUT THE UNIVERSITY OF SANKORE AND SUCH STUFF ABOUT THE EMPIRES OF GHANA, MALI, AND SONGHAY, BUT THE OTHER HALF OF THE STORY IS NOT BEING TOLD.

AFRICAN HISTORIANS SPEAK ON BLACK-WHITE RELATIONSHIPS AND THEIR MIXED RACE OFFSPRING

Taharqa Nubian leader who ascended the throne in Kemet in 689 BC, was betrayed by the mixed-raced Libyan alien feudal lords causing Kemet to become a become an Assyrian province.

Taharqa Nubian leader who ascended the throne in Kemet in 689 BC, was betrayed by the mixed-raced Libyan alien feudal lords causing Kemet to become a become an Assyrian province.

There has been a lot of discussion and debate about black-white interracial marriages, much of it divisive and devoid of a historical analysis of the effect of this phenomenon on non-white people. One of the main consequential aspects of such relationships, are the mixed-race offspring that are produced. Throughout history, such mixed- race offspring become “buffers” between the dominant and dominated cultures and have shown that collectively, they aspire to the dominant race’s culture. Thus, under the system of white supremacy, collectively, mixed race people will wittingly and unwittingly aspire to and support the white culture making the white culture the greatest beneficiaries of black-white interracial marriages. Though there are examples of individuals that reject the position and privilege of being closer to the dominant white culture than their non-mixed black counterparts, history shows that overall, these interracial relationships, as a COLLECTIVE PHENOMENON, have had a negative influence on the struggle for black liberation. So I offer examples from this excerpt from Volume 1 of Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain.

Book Cover Volume I.JPG

My father taught me that if you want to solve a problem, you must go to the root of the problem. So we are going to go to the very beginning of black-white interracial relationships.

The Mulatto Problem

“Greeks unwittingly applied the second name of the City of Menes (Memphis), ‘Aigyptos’ to the whole country. For Memphis was also called Hikuptah, or the “Mansion of the Soul of Ptah,’ the god-protector of the city. From the Greek ‘Aigyptos’ Memphis became Egypt, and Egypt became the name of the ‘Two Lands,’ extending from the Mediterranean to the First Cataract.

There was no ‘Egypt’ before the black king from whose name it was indirectly derived. Before that the country was called Chem or Chemi, another name indicating its black inhabitants, and not the color of the soil . . . It was the whites, not the Blacks, who called Africa the ‘Land of the Blacks’ until Asian and European invasions made it expedient to change this to mean ‘African countries not yet taken over by Caucasians’; and later to ‘Africa South of the Sahara.’

Since the first to be called Egyptians exclusively were half-African and half-Asian, their general hostility to their mothers’ race was a social phenomenon that should not be passed over lightly . . . . Its nature is essentially opportunist, a quest for security, recognition and advancement by identifying with and becoming a part of the new power elite of the conquerors. . . .

Blacks who did not choose to flee south but remained under Asian rule, even if enslaved, worked harder to gain recognition and acceptance than any other group. [Siphiwe note: think of the Civil Rights movement in the United States]. Indeed, so anxious were some of these early Black for ‘integration’ with the Asians that they themselves did most in creating the new breed of Egyptians who were to become their mortal enemies. For in an all-out effort to appease the invaders, they freely gave their daughters and other desirable females as gifts to become concubines, thus speeding up the reproduction processes on an ever-widening scale. . . . The direct result was that more and more Egyptians became lighter and near-white in complexion. In short, they did, in fact, become more Asian in blood than African.

But what has been referred to as a ‘social phenomenon’ was in fact a development among the half-breeds everywhere that ran counter to what would be normally expected, if not contrary to nature itself. This was the outright rejection of one’s mother and her people and a cleaving to the father and his people. . . .

First of all, they were mainly the sons and daughters of white European-Asian fathers. These fathers recognized them as such and, in general, proudly. And since they claimed superiority over the Africans, their half-African offsprings considered themselves to be a superior breed also. These Afro- Asian offsprings were given preferential treatment, positions of authority, wealth according to the status of their patrilineal family, and an education that could draw on Asian cultures as well as the highly advanced African civilization in Upper Egypt and southwards to the ‘Land of the Gods’.

Another situation that was a most potent factor in the half-breed’s attitude towards their mothers’ race was that, more often than not, their mothers were concubinary slaves.

This meant that the half-breed was introduced into the lowest level of African life even from birth. . . . But since most of the ‘new Egyptians’ were originally sons and daughters of slave mothers and ‘upper class’ fathers, they tended to be ashamed of their mothers and sought self-realization on their father’s side. Furthermore, the slave mother had no claim on the children she bore. They belonged to the Asian father who could and generally did consider them as free-born due to their Asian blood.

To prove how truly Asian they were, the mixed Egyptians made hatred of Africans a ritual, and tried to surpass the whites in raiding for the slaves in all-African areas. Various Afro-Eurasians who became Egyptian kings declared ‘eternal warfare’ against the Blacks and vowed to enslave the entire race.

Relying wholly on the emerging concept of innate superiority of Europeans and Asians, these people everywhere created a class system that made their bastard offsprings superior to all Blacks, and in status next below themselves.”

Chancellor Williams, The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race From 4500 B.C. to 2000 A.D.

Destruction of Black Civilization.JPG
A History of the Upper Guinea Coast.JPG
Senegambia and the TransAtlantic Slave Trade.JPG

My sons, this very same problem will repeat itself again 4,500 years later when the Portuguese come to the west coast of Africa where our Balanta ancestors lived. According to A History of The Upper Guinea Coast 1545 to 1800 by Walter Rodney,

“The lancado was almost invariably a Portuguese, but he is best regarded as a phenomenon – the private European trader living among African tribesmen – and as such he could be of any nationality. Allied to the lancado was the grumete, another Portuguese term best left untranslated, being loosely applied to a large category of African helpers of European traders. Some were purchased as slaves, some were paid what amounted to a wage, and others were virtually affined relatives of the white merchants. The grumete were at all times a significant part of the resident trading community led by the lancados. The main business of the lancados and grumetes was slaving.

Following Rodney, Boubacar Barry writes in Senegambia and The Atlantic Slave Trade,

“Miscegenation soon produced a category of Afro-Portuguese known as Lancados or Tangomaos, who carved out a niche for themselves in Senegambia’s interregional trade as indispensable middle men between European traders and the Senegambian kingdoms. . . . The lancados, like Afro-Europeans at all European trading posts in the area, henceforth made up a class of compradors in this proto-colonial situation. They exploited the Senegambian population to the maximum for their personal profit, their key role being to serve the major interests of European commercial capitalism.

Apart from the effective control exercised by French and British chartered companies in the Senegal and Gambia River valleys, the remainder of Senegambia was dominated by a disparate crowd of slaving privateers who crisscrossed the seaboard from north to south. Worse still, around the forts and at most of the trading posts full-scale trading communities sprang into being, made up of Europeans from various national backgrounds, with even larger numbers of new Euro-Africans adding to the numbers of Afro-Europeans left behind from the heyday of Portuguese commerce.

What came into being was nothing less than a diaspora of European or Afro-European traders of French, British and Portuguese origin. They were later joined by Americans…. The Euro-Africans thus ended up creating their own trading diaspora along the coast from the forts of Saint-Louis, Goree and Fort Saint James all the way to the Southern Rivers as well as along the Senegal and Gambia River valleys. This complex network of European or Euro-African traders, some linked to chartered companies, others tied directly to European trading houses, teamed up with the Soninke, Manding and Peul network of Juula traders coming from the Senegambian hinterland. . . . It was the Euro-African families of LeJuge, Blondin, Pellegrin, or Charles Cornier (1780-90) who dominated political and commercial life . . . . The rise of this powerful class of Euro-Africans was greatly facilitated by marriage arrangements in vogue in the region at the time. This was the system that produced the famed signares. These were wives of company personnel who accumulated colossal personal fortunes and rose to play important roles in the economic and social lives of such colonial enclaves. . . . In the Southern Rivers area, particularly in Rio Cacheu and Bissao, it was the old Lancados and Tangomaos of Portuguese descent who, from the sixteenth century onward, dominated trading circuits from Casamance to Rio Grande. They were active as far as Gambia in the north and Rio Pongo in the south. Throughout their history these Euro-Africans maintained close social and economic ties with the Cape Verde islands. The Afro-Portuguese frequently employed members of the local Papel, Beafada, and Bainuk communities . . . . Despite the hostility of the Joola, Balanta, and Bisago, the Portuguese and Afro-Portuguese had a much greater impact on the societies of the Southern Rivers area of Guinea Bissao than did the Manding of Kaabu and the Peul of Futa Jallon, isolated in their hinterland homelands and reduced to supplying slaves for the coastal slave trade.”

My sons, you now understand the problem that we have with the descendants of Baba Amuntu Abamhlope (“human beings who are white”) and the mixed breed, mulatto children that are produced when we marry and have children with them. This led to our mass migration from our homeland in Ta-Nihisi and it has been a problem ever since and resulted in our enslavement in America 4,500 years later. I’ll discuss the Euro-African more in Volume III.

For now, my sons, the easiest way to explain how it all started, in my own words, is this: some of our family, descendants of Baba Amuntu Abansundu left Ta-Nihisi and went to the north, northwest and northeast. The further north they went, the more difficult it was to survive because of the weather. To eat, these ancestors had to do more hunting. To stay warm, these ancestors had to wear animal skins and live in caves. Nothing was easy for them, and they did not have the ability to grow food and pursue intellectual pursuits. It’s like they stopped going to school and stopped learning for tens of thousands of years. This caused them to change physically, mentally and spiritually, becoming Baba Amuntu Abamhlope. They became the Caucasoid white people and the yellow people that are called Semites.

Cheik Anta Diop, Civilization or Barbarism

Cheik Anta Diop, Civilization or Barbarism

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The Iceman Inheritance.JPG

Meanwhile, the rest of our ancestors stayed home in Ta-Nihisi and Ta-Meri. Our family known as the Anu during this period of history, was the earliest to develop a sedentary lifestyle and never stopped learning and so they created what is called civilization – they had a calendar, writing, science, math, astronomy, astrology, arts and crafts, music and social institutions, and because of their Great Belief, they lacked any abnormal aggression. Our family built Nekhen, the first city, and others. The descendants of Baba Amuntu Abamhlope (“human beings who are white”) began to settle in our cities. Then, one day, around 2500 BC or 1600 BC depending on which chronology you refer to, after tens of thousands of years, a group of descendants of Baba Amuntu Abamhlope called “Semites” came back into the land of Ta-Meri. When they saw the civilization that we built, they were in awe. We welcomed them back home and allowed them to live with us. Our accomplishments caused them to feel inferior and insecure and they became envious and jealous. Because they had become a vicious people, a people without our original Great Belief, they became violent and this caused the original conflict. [See Michael Bradley’s The Iceman Inheritance: Prehistotic Sources of Western Man’s Racism, Sexim and Aggression.]

According to Diop,

The history of humanity will remain confused as long as we fail to distinguish between the two early cradles in which Nature fashioned the instincts, temperament, habits, and ethical concepts of the two subdivisions before they met each other after a long separation dating back to prehistoric times. The first of those cradles . . . is the valley of the Nile, from the Great Lakes to the Delta, across the so-called ‘Anglo-Egyptian’ Sudan. The abundance of vital resources, its sedentary, agricultural character, the specific conditions of the valley, will engender in man, that is, in the Negro, a gentle, idealistic, peaceful nature, endowed with a spirit of justice and gaiety. All these virtues were more or less indispensable for daily coexistence. . . .

By contrast, the ferocity of nature in the Eurasian steppes, the barrenness of those regions, the overall circumstances of material conditions, were to create instincts necessary for survival in such an environment. Here, Nature left no illusion of kindliness: it was implacable and permitted no negligence; man must obtain his bread by the sweat of his brow. Above all, in the course of a long, painful existence, he must learn to rely on himself alone, on his own possibilities. He could not indulge in the luxury of believing in a beneficent God who would shower down abundant means of gaining a livelihood; instead, he would conjure up deities maleficent and cruel, jealous and spiteful: Zeus, Yahweh, among others.

In the unrewarding activity that the physical environment imposed on man, there was already implied materialism, anthropomorphism (which is but one of its aspects), and the secular spirit. This is how the environment gradually molded these instincts in the men of that region, the Indo-Europeans in particular. All the peoples of the area, whether white or yellow, were instinctively to love conquest, because of a desire to escape from those hostile surroundings. The milieu chased them away; they had to leave it or succumb, try to conquer a place in the sun in a more clement nature. Invasions would not cease, once an initial contact with the Black world to the south had taught them the existence of a land where the living was easy, riches abundant, technique flourishing. Thus, from 1450 B.C. until Hitler, from the Barbarians of the fourth and fifth centuries to Ghenghis Khan and the Turks, those invasions from east to west or from north to south continued uninterrupted.

Man in those regions remained a nomad. He was cruel. . . . “

A group of Semites, called Hyksos, attacked Ta-Meri, but by this time, the civilization that we created had become corrupt because some, like the Mesintu, abandoned our Great Belief and created kings and Pharaohs. Our Balanta ancestors had already started leaving Ta-Nihisi and TaMeri long before this, and the last phase of our ancestral migrations started in the XVIIIth Egyptian Dynasty.

Themehu: Libya

My sons, around 1500 B.C., descendants of Baba Amuntu Abamhlope (human beings who are white), mostly Greeks, started to migrate from the North (Europe) into Ta-Meri and the lands west of Ta-Meri which the Bible called “Put” and today is called Libya. In Introduction to African Civilizations, John Jackson writes,

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“These Libyans are referred to in ancient (Indo-European) records often by the names of their various tribes, such as Atalantans, Getulians, Maurusians, Nasamonians, and Tehennu. . . . Herodotus. . . The Father of History first tells us that ‘the Nasamonians are a Libyan race’; . . . . The coast of Libya along the sea which washes it to the north, throughout its entire length from Egypt to Cape Soloeis, which is its furthest point, is inhabited by Libyans of many distinct tribes who possess the whole tract except certain portions which belong to the Phoenicians and the Greeks. Above the coast line and the country inhabited by the maritime tribes, Libya is full of wild beasts; while beyond the wild beast region there is a tract which is wholly sand, very scant of water, and utterly and entirely a dessert.’ . . . The ancient Libyan inhabitants of this region, originally a branch of the western Ethiopians, became intermixed with the Phoenician, Greek, and Roman immigrants. . . . the various ethnic groups intermarried freely. . . .The Romans called the indigenous dwellers of North Africa Barbari (barbarians), from whence we get the name ‘Berber’. So, in medieval and even modern times the North Africans have generally been known as Berbers. The Romans dubbed these Africans ‘barbarians’, not because of any cultural inferiority, but merely because they had certain social customs that were different form those of the Romans. The Libyans or Berbers possessed a matriarchal type of social organization, which was common to all African societies, but which seemed quite odd and strange to the Romans of Europe.”

Cheikh Ana Diop also explains in The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality:

“Fontanes next considers the claim that Egypt was probably civilized by Berbers or Libyans coming from Europe, via the west:

‘. . . . It is to the influence of the European race, to the immigration of the ‘men of the north’, that we should attribute this description of the Tamhou, Libyans of the Nineteenth Dynasty, ‘with pale face, white or russet, and blue eyes’! These Whites, hired as mercenaries by the Pharaohs, strongly hybridized the Egyptian and also the Libyan. . . . according to this theory, the African Berber from the west, the brown Libyan, settled in the valley of the new Nile; but almost immediately, or shortly afterwards, an invasion of Europeans hybridized the North African Libyan. This Libyan mixed-blood ‘with white skin and blue eyes’ may have modified the early Egyptian. By his European blood, this Egyptian could be related to the Indo-European race and to the Aryan.’

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Now consider Dr. Frances Cress Welsing, who further describes our conflict with white people in her book, The Isis Papers: The Keys To The Colors:

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“Impressed that the concept of a ‘system’ of white domination over the world’s ‘non-white’ peoples could explain the seeming predicament and dilemma of ‘non-white’ social reality, I tended to focus, as a psychiatrist, on what possible motivational force, operative at both the individual and group levels, could account for the evolution of these patterns of social behavioral practice that apparently function in all areas of human activity (economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, sex and war). . . .

The Color-Confrontation theory states that the white or color-deficient Europeans responded psychologically, with a profound sense of numerical inadequacy and color inferiority, in their confrontations with the majority of the world’s people – all of whom possessed varying degrees of color-producing capacity. This psychological response, whether conscious or unconscious, revealed an inadequacy based on the most obvious and fundamental part of their being, their external appearance. As might be anticipated in terms of modern psychological theories, whites defensively developed an uncontrollable sense of hostility and aggression. This attitude has continued to manifest itself throughout the history of mass confrontations between whites and people of color. . . .

The experience of numerical inadequacy and genetic color inferiority led whites to implement a number of interesting, although devastating (to non-white peoples), psychological defense mechanisms. The initial psychological defense maneuver was the repression of the initial painful awareness of inadequacy. This primary ego defense was reinforced by a host of other defense mechanisms.”

If it is legitimate to study the motivational force operating at the individual and group level when it comes to white people, it is equally legitimate to study the same when it comes to ALL people, including mixed-race people as a group, and specific mixed races such as European-African or white-black. Again, such an analysis shows that under a system of white supremacy, the collective behavior expresses itself as a desire or ambition to attain the privilege and power of the dominant white culture at the expense of the non-dominant black culture. This poses serious conflicts of interest for people in black-white interracial relationships who want to simultaneously maintain those relationships and not betray their black ancestors. The only possible outcomes are 1) maintain the relationship with the cumulative benefit accruing to the dominant white culture; 2) achieve such a high level of black nationalist and Pan African achievement that the results outweigh the benefit to the white culture (for example, Bob Marley); or 3) terminate the relationship in order to preserve the cumulative benefit accruing to the non-dominant black culture.

Dr John Henrik Clarke - The African World Under Seige start video at 27:00 mark

Homosexuality Contemplated From African Spirituality

To understand the phenomenon and meaning of homosexuality in the black community, it is necessary to begin from the original spiritual beliefs of “African” people. These beliefs have been researched and documented by numerous scholars and are summarized here as 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors.

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In Volume 1 of Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain, and in a subsequent article ON QUESTIONS OF RACE, ETHNICITY AND NATIONALITY I wrote,

“YOU ARE ALL YOUR ANCESTORS – You (every single person reading this) is the union of your mother and father. That’s how you got here. Your father planted his seed in your mother’s womb, she nurtured it for nine months, and then you were born. Every human being that has ever lived was born from the union of male and female. The very BLOOD that circulates in your body was given to you from your mother and father. The very LIFE FORCE energy, the BREATH OF LIFE, and the GENETIC INSTRUCTIONS that are responsible for the life that you have – you received all of it from your mother and father. Therefore, your mother and father live inside of you. Because this is also true of your mother and father – that their mother and father live inside of them – then it is also true that your grandparents – their blood, their life force energy, their breath of life, and their genetic instructions, also live inside of you. From this it follows, that ALL your ancestors live inside of you. Your blood, your life force energy, your breath and your genetic makeup are shared by all the ancestors living inside of you. Therefore, your life is not your own. ALL your ancestors depend on you for their existence.”

It follows from this that every human being is both male and female since no one can deny that they are the union of their mother and father. This union of mother and father expresses itself physically through various features - you may have the hair color and texture of your mother and the nasal structure of your father. Your eye color comes from one parent and your cheekbone structure comes from the other parent. Likewise, you can have the genitalia of one of your parents and the sexual orientation of the other parent. The combinations are infinite and thus, it is not difficult to understand how it is possible how one person who expresses the physical appearance and genitalia of one parent can have the sexual orientation of the other. That said, regardless of one’s sexual orientation, there is both a spiritual and theoretical basis for understanding homosexuality and respecting the humanity of each and every person as energetic beings that are the union of their mother and father.

That said, from the point of view of African spirituality, there was a reason that ritual initiation ceremonies featuring circumcision were among the first spiritual rituals ever invented. Albert Churchward explains this in his book, The Origin and Evolution of Religion:

“The next stage of Religion and Religious ideas was evolved by the Nilotic Negroes. We find as man advanced up the ladder in evolution, so his Religious ideas progressed and advanced to a higher plane. All humans in the pre-totemic stage were in the state of a gregarious horde with its general promiscuity.

The earliest form of human society was brought into existence by the Nilotic Negro under what may be termed Totemic Sociology, which in one phase distinguishes it from the pre-totemic people.

For reasons unnecessary to be dilated upon in this book, they first divided themselves into two halves, or tribes; afterwards, these divided again into four; later a further subdivision took place into eight, and then further subdivisions, each tribe having its own distinguishing Totem. It became necessary to distinguish the blood relationship of these various tribes - the one from the other, as the Father of a child was never known - because all Women, of, say, “A” tribe, were common to men of “B” tribe, and vice versa, only the Mother blood could be traced. To ascertain this and keep it true they introduced ‘Totems’ and performed Sacred Ceremonies called Totemic Ceremonies. Whilst some of the Nilotic Negroes carried out the primitive wisdom from the same central birthplace in Africa (at the head of the Nile and around the Great Lakes), to the islands of the Southern Seas and other parts of the world . . . those that remained carried it down the Nile to take living root and grow, flourish and expand as their Mythology and Astro-Mythology, finally ending in the development by evolution in the Eschatology of Ancient Egypt.

The name Totem [is} . . . from the Egyptian Tem-t. The hieroglyphic is the figure of a total composed of two halves. The Egyptian Tem or Tem-t has various applications in Egyptian. It signifies Man, Mankind, Mortals, also to unite, to be entire or perfect; it is the name for those who are created persons, as in making young men and young women in Totemic Ceremonies. . . . To understand this definition, take the case of two different classes of one clan or class; the whole clan or tribe we will call A. This is subdivided into A and B. All A can marry all B, or all B can marry all A, but A must not marry A nor B marry B. These again can be (and are in some cases) re-divided again as regards their children and come under either C or D, and these again into two other sub-classes. Yet all are totaled into the one tribe. It is also a place name, as well as a personal name for the social unit or division of persons.

Among the Nilotic Negroes the Totem first represented two phases- primarily it was given to the girl when she was made a woman, as her badge or banner by which she, as the Mother, and all her children would be known; and, secondly, it included that of food districts, and the special food of certain districts was represented by the Totem of the family or Tribe. The Totem was first eaten by members of the group as their own special food; later this was altered, and the Totemic food was only very sparingly eaten by the Tribe with that Totem; it became Tabu, or sacred, to them. The Tribe was appointed its preserver and cultivator and was named after it.

Regarded as the climax of the Dip rituals, the blessing of the sacred stone takes place in a special grove of trees on the outskirts of the town. Tekpete refers to a legendary stone that the Krobo carried down from Krobo mountain in their original h…

Regarded as the climax of the Dip rituals, the blessing of the sacred stone takes place in a special grove of trees on the outskirts of the town. Tekpete refers to a legendary stone that the Krobo carried down from Krobo mountain in their original hoomeland. . . . Still revered as a focus for worship, the stone plays a special role for the initiates, who are brought to it for a test of their virginity. Wearing pure white strips of calico around their heads and crisscrossed over their chests, the initiates must remain silent during this most sacred of rituals. Each girl has a leaf placed in her mouth to turn her thoughts inward and to remind her of the obligation not to speak until the ceremony is over. As the girls proceed to the sacred grove accompanied by their ritual mothers, they carry long sticks called dimanchu, which literally means, “to make you a woman.”

The Totem primarily, then, was given to a girl when she became pubescent, as her badge or banner, by which she and all her children were always known. Thus, if her Totem was a Lizard, all her children would be Lizards, or, if a Crocodile, all her children would be young Crocodiles; and when we read in books, as we do, of women bringing forth Snakes, Crocodiles, or any other Zootype, we know that the Totem of the Mother was a Snake or Crocodile, or some other Zootype which was the name of her Totem, and her children obviously were named accordingly. The Totem, then, represented the Maternal Ancestor, the Mother who gave herself up for food to the tribe, and was eaten absolutely alive after she had ceased to bear children, because she should never die, but always be alive. This was the primitive Eucharist, and was the foundation of all such rites. The body and blood were veritably eaten whilst alive, and no morsel, however small, was allowed to remain uneaten. It was a sacred feast to be equally partaken of by each member of the tribe. . . . .In Totemism, the Mother and Motherhood, the Sister and Sisterhood, the Brother and Brotherhood, the girl who transformed at puberty, the Mother who was eaten as a sacrifice, the two women who were Ancestresses, were all of them human, all of them actual, in the domain of natural fact. But when the same characters have been continued in Mythology, they are superhuman. The Mother and Motherhoods, the Sister and Sisterhoods, the Brother and Brotherhoods, have been divinized. The realities of Totemism have supplied the types to Mythology as Goddesses and Gods who wear the heads and skins of beasts, to denote their character. The Mother, as human in Totemism, was known by her Totem, as the Water-Cow, and this became the type of the Great Mother in Mythology. But it is the Type that was continued, not the Human Mother. The Mother as first person in the human family was the first person in Totemic Sociology. Hence came the Great Mother in Mythology . . . .

The Totem afterwards, in its religious phase, was as much the sign of the Goddesses and Gods as it had been for the Motherhoods and Brotherhoods from whence it took its origin. The Zootype became and was the image of the superhuman power; for example, the Mother-Earth as a giver of water was imaged as a Water-Cow. Seb, the Father of Food, was imaged by the Goose that laid the eggs. The primary seven elemental powers were looked upon Mythically as children of the Great Earth-Mother, who were all born as Males; they were begetters as transformers. The two primary were twin-brothers, Set and Horus, representing as powers, Night and Day, or Darkness and Light, assigned as Set, God of the South, and Horus, God of the North. Shu was the third, representing the breath of life, breathing force; the winds, represented at the Equinox by the Lion; and these formed the primary Trinity, or the God in a triune form, or with three attributes. The cult of the primary Mythology was founded in invocation and propitiation of the Great Mother-Earth, the giver of life and birth, of food and water, as the primary power who brought forth the seven elemental powers, called her children. Many and various Zootypes have been used by the Nilotic Negroes all over the world as representative images, by the later Lunar and Stellar Cult people who came after. The powers of nature had been represented by pre-totemic people by sign language only. It was the Hero Cult Nilotic Negro who first represented these nature powers by means of Zootype forms. . . . . It was these Nilotic Negroes who first used Zootypes to distinguish the human Motherhoods and Brotherhoods. . . .

It is only by studying primitive man, his thoughts and his Totemic Ceremonies, and all that these represented to his mind in Sign Language, following and tracing them through the evolution of the human race, that one can arrive at a definite and true knowledge of the origin and meaning of our present-day beliefs. . . .

Ceremonial rites were established as the means of memorizing facts in Sign Language when there were no written records of the human past. In these, the Knowledge was acted, the Ritual was exhibited and kept in ever-living memory by continual repetition. The Mysteries, Totemic or Religious, were founded on the basis of action, Thus, the Sign to the Eye and the Sound to the Ear were continued, side by side, on equal footing, in the dual development of Sign Language that was visual and vocal at the same time. The brothers and sisters were identifying themselves, not with, or as, animals, but by means of them, and by making use of them as Zootypes for their Totems.

The secrets of the most primitive form of the Myths and Symbols for thousands of years existed in human memory alone. In the absence of written records the oral method of communication was held all the more sacred, as was exemplified in the ancient Priesthood, whose ritual and gnosis depended on living memory for its truth, purity, and sanctity. It was the mode of communicating from mouth to ear; it continued in all the Mysteries . . . . The earlier religions thus had their Mysteries interpreted.

WE HAVE OURS MIS-INTERPRETED.

Now, what does this have to do with Homosexuality? Churchward continues,

The change of the human descent from the Mother-blood to the Father-blood is obviously commemorated in the Mysteries or ceremonial rites . . . . In the operation of young-man making, two modes of cutting are performed upon the boy by which he becomes a man and a tribal Father. The first of these is commonly known as circumcision . . . ; the other ceremony of initiation, which comes later, is the rite of subincision . . . The second cutting is necessary for the completion of the perfect man. With this trial test the youth becomes a man; fathership is founded, and, as certain customs show, the Motherhood is in a measure cast off at the time, or typically superseded by the Fatherhood.”

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Here we understand that the first ritual of circumcision, around the age of 12, was the first step in the process of initiation into manhood. Prior to this, the boy-child was identified with his mother. The circumcision began the transformation from the feminine to the masculine, spiritually. This unlocked the masculine creative powers - “begetters as transformers”. The second ritual of the subincision is literally “the creation of man”. From the point of view of African Spirituality, the quality of the boy’s being is forever changed. This is explained by principle 16 of 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors:

16. “The quality of ‘mfumu’ (chief) is added to the commonality of an individual neither by external nomination, nor by singling him out. He becomes and is ’mfumu’ by endowment therewith; he is a new higher vital force capable of strengthening and maintaining everything which falls ontologically within his cure. A man does not become chief of the clan and patriarch by natural succession through the deaths of other elders who had precedence and because he has become the oldest surviving member of the clan, but because primogeniture inherently supposes an inner secretion of vital power, raising the ‘muntu’ of the elder to the rank of intermediary and channel of forces between the clan ancestors on the one hand and posterity with all its clan patrimony on the other hand. It never takes one long to observe the transformation on becoming chief of a man whom one has formerly known as an ordinary member of the community. The qualitative change is made evident by an awakening of his being, by an immanent inspiration or even, sometimes, by a kind of ‘possession’. The ‘muntu’, in fact, becomes aware of, and is informed by, his whole conception of the world around, through all his modes of knowledge, that he is now a true ‘muntu’, endowed with a new power which did not belong to his former human status. He is no longer what he was. He has been changed in his very quality of being.”

In the same way that one becomes ‘mfumu’ through endowment, so too, the boy becomes a man through endowment that is begun with the circumcision ritual. By the second ritual of subincision, the boy, now made man, is endowed with a new, masculine power, which did not belong to his former boyhood status. He is no longer a boy, identified with his mother (feminine ancestor). He has been changed in his very quality of being into a “man”.

Returning to Churchward,

“Nature led the way for the opening rite performed upon the female, and therefore we conclude that this preceded the operation performed upon the men, which was a custom established in the course of commemorating the change from the Matriarchate to the Father-rite.

When we hear Nilotic Negroes say that ‘The Lizard first developed the sexes’ and also that it was the author of marriage, we must first know or ascertain what the Lizard signifies in Sign Language. we find that, like the Serpent of Frog, it denoted the female period, and we see how it distinguished or divided the sexes and in what sense it authorized, or was the author of, Totemic marriages, because of its being a sign or symbol of feminine pubescence. It is said of the Amazula: That when old women pass away they take the form of a kind of Lizard. The Lizard in the primitive system of Sign Language was a Zootype, the Ideographic value of which informs you that it appeared at puberty, but disappeared at the turn of life, and with the old woman went the disappearing lizard. . . .

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When the Arunta perform the rite of subincision, which follows that of the primary operation (circumcision) a slit is cut in the penis right down to the root. It is performed as an assertion of manhood, and is a mode of ‘making the boy into a man,’ or ‘creating man.’ Now, at this time it was customary to cast the Motherhood aside by some significant action; that is, when the Fathership is established in the initiation ceremony. And in the Arunta rite of subincision, the operating Mura first of all cuts out an oval-shaped piece of skin from the male member which he flings away. The oval shape is an emblem of the female all the world over, and this is another mode of rejecting the Mother and of attributing begettal to the Father, as it was attributed in the creation by Atum-Ra, who was both male and female. (As the one “ALL PARENT”).

From the ‘cutting’ of the male member now attributed to Atum-Ra, we infer that the rite of circumcision and of subincision was a mode of showing the derivation from the human Father in supersession of the Motherhood, and that in the double cutting the figure of the female was added to the member of the male; not is this without corroboration. In his ethnological studies (p. 180) Dr. Roth explains that in the Pitta-Pitta and cognate Boulia dialects, the term Me-Ko Ma-ro denotes the man with a vulva, which shows that the oval slit was cut upon the penis as a figure of the female, and a mode of assuming the Fatherhood. In the Hebrew Book of Genesis this carving of the female on the person of the male, in the second creation, has been given the legendary form of cutting out the woman from the body of the male. Adam is thus imaged as a biune parent, Atume-Ra.

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But when the custom of circumcision was transferred to the time of childhood, as it had been by the Jews and Arabs, to be performed on the infant of eight days old, then the natural (i.e. according to the Totemic religious condition) loses its sense and becomes cruel in its dotage.

The Mystery of the resurrection, which was originally instituted by these Totemic Nilotic Negroes, may be seen still performed symbolically by the Arunta Tribes in the quabarra inguriringa inkinga, or corroborree of the arisen bones, which bones image the dead body, whilst the performers represent the Ulthauna, or spirits of the dead. The bones were sacredly preserved by those who were yet unable to make the mummy as a type of permanence.

Every native has to pass through certain ceremonies before he is admitted to the secrets of the tribe. The first takes place at about the age of 12 years; the final and most impressive one is probably not passed throught until the native has reached the age of 30 years. These two initiations thus correspond to, or represent, the origin of those mysteries of the double Horus, or Jesus, at 12 years of age; the child Horus, or Jesus, makes his Transformation into the adult in his baptism or other kindred mysteries. Horus, or Christ, as the man of 30 years is initiated in the final mysteries of the resurrection. . . . The first act of initiation in these Mysteries is that of throwing the boy up into the air. This was a primitive mode of dedication to the Ancestral purity of the Totem or the tribe, whose voice is heard in the sound of the churinga or bull-roarers whirling around.

It is said by the natives ‘that the voice of the Great Spirit was heard when the resounding bull-roarer spoke.’ The Great Spirit was supposed to descend and enter the body of the boy and to make him a man, just as in the mystery of Tattu, the soul of Horus the adult, descends upon and unites with the soul of Hours the child, or the soul of Ra, the Holy Spirit, descends upon Osiris to quicken and transform and re-erct the Mummy, where risen Horus becomes bird-headed as the adult in Spirit; the Arunta youth is given the appearance of flight to signify the change resulting from the descent of the Spirit, as the cause of transformation. When one becomes a soul in the mysteries of the Ritual by assuming the form or image of Ra, the initiate exclaims: ‘Let mew wheel around in whirls, ler me revolve like the turning one’ (Ch. 83, Rit.) The ‘turning one’ is the sun God Kheper. . . as the soul fo ‘self-originating force,’ which was imaged under one type by the Bennu, a bird that ascends the air and flies to a great height whilst circling round and round in spiral whorls (Ch. 85, Rit.).

The doctine of soul-making at puberty originated amongst the Nilotic Negroes, as did many of the other Egyptian Mysteries. . . . “

Now consider the Balanta. In Volume 1 of Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain, I wrote,

The Balanta had worked to maintain customs and traditions based on their ancestral histories; . . . After the harvest, the Balanta people have a celebration called the Kussundé, where non-initiated men compete in dances. As symbols of family and spiritual connection, the masks play an important role when the community comes together to celebrate with music and dance. The Balanta practice indigenous, spiritual customs and rites. In the Balanta society, God is believed to be far away, and communication with the Almighty is established through their spiritual practices and traditions. All important decisions amongst the Balanta are taken by a Council of Elders. To become a member of the Council of Elders, the person has to be initiated during the Fanado ceremony. In general, egalitarianism prevails amongst the Balanta.


The Balanta have initiation rites at various states of the individual’s life. Each phase of life, from childhood to adulthood, is regulated by an initiation that marks the entrance into a new social category. From early childhood up to age 15, the child belongs to the category of Nwatch. Around age 18 to 20 the individual enters the Fuur and then enters the Nghaye around age 25. Around age 30, according to the rites of Kgnessa man will be authorized to take a woman. After the young Balanta man has become a landowner and taken on family responsibilities, he can then be chosen by his maternal uncle to participate in the Fanado initiation. Once chosen for the Fanado, a Balanta man cannot refuse the family’s wishes. The Fanado initiation ceremony takes place once every four years. The Fanado is a two-month process in the “sacred woods” which is the ultimate phase of initiation rites and social hierarchy. Initiation during the Fanado ritual opens the doors of maturity and wisdom in the Balanta community.”

Such age-grade initiation ceremonies of the Balanta are common among all people of Africa everywhere. And now we can begin to understand the phenomenon and meaning of homosexuality in the black community.

When people were kidnapped, captured and taken in chains from their homelands in Africa and brought to the America’s, they were prevented from practicing most of their spiritual and cultural traditions, including their traditional age-grade initiation ceremonies and rites of circumcision turning boys into men. After six or more generations without such transforming cultural practices, male children of the descendants of those who were enslaved had to find other means to make such transformations. Over the past twenty years or so, that alternative venue for establishing manhood came from “street” and “gang” culture. In my review of the Balanta novel 13 Bars of Iron, I discussed this, also:

“Similarly, another typical young black male hood behavior pattern can be re-examined and re-defined: dropping out of high school. Perhaps the book’s most brilliant passage occurs when Cal is explaining to his girl Kim why he and Black males like him drop out of high school. When Kim says, “You lost me; you love learning, but hated school?” Cal responds:

“Let’s take a subject, any subject, seventh-grade science, for example. In that textbook you gone cover Astronomy, Physical Science, Biology, Botany, Geology, etc. By the end of the year, you will have a solid foundation and understanding of the basic principles of each of these sciences. Then you go to high school and spend a whole year on Biology, a whole year on Physics, a whole year on Earth Science, essentially relearning the same shit you learned in the 7th grade. Now, that’s cool if you plan on becoming a Botanist or Biologist, but, if not, when you start relearning the same shit you learned when you was little, you gone eventually tune out. It’s the same for the other subjects. And tune out is what I did for four years of high school. I was barely there, and when I was there the shit they was hitting me with wasn’t stimulating me, because it wasn’t new and I wasn’t learning shit about myself there. I don’t think I learned shit the entire time I was there. I could have gone to college straight from the eight grade. . . .

You seen the minis-series ‘Roots,’ right? So you remember when Kunte Kinte was in Africa before he got caught by the slave catchers. He had just completed his manhood ritual, his rite of passage so that he could become a warrior in his tribe. This was customary in almost every West African society. The Fulani, the Wolof, Mandinka, they all had these rites of passage. In most West African cultures, by the time a boy is 15 or 16 he went through one of these rites. The learning during these rites was Socratic; the young man was tested, mentally, physically, emotionally. After demonstrating an in-depth understanding of certain principles, principles the elders deemed necessary to live, protect and govern, he was elevated from the status of boy to that of a man. That’s where we get the whole concept of pledging in our black Greek lettered organizational from. The new man then returned to the village and was given his own hut. He provided for his village. He was allowed to participate in governance. He was a man in every sense, and even his mother wasn’t allowed to question him. He didn’t know everything at that age and stage. He still had to utilize the counsel of his elders, but society recognized him as a man. Now, you contrast that with a 15-year-old boy of African descent growing up in the U.S. He’s forced to sit and be lectured at for eight hours straight, five days a week, lectured at about the same shit he been learning the last nine or ten years. We not even taking into account the bias and the structural racism in the U.S. education system. His nature is going to lead him to a different environment, one where he is stimulated, and one where he is able to test and prove his manhood. And where is that in most cases? Well, for many of us it’s the streets. That’s why you see so many cats leave school and turn to the streets right about that age. That’s the only place many young men can receive the stimulation their physical and mental maturity warrants.. At 15 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was at Morehouse, not in high school. At 15, Malcolm X was on the streets of Boston getting his education. Look at hip hop. Cats like Nas, Jay-Z, Tupac, by most measures these dudes are all considered geniuses, they also all abandoned our educational system about the same age. I know I am using anecdotal and historical evidence to prove my point, but I bet if you look at the data you’ll find that most black males who do drop out of high school do so at that very age, right about 15 or 16, right at the age where biologically and culturally, in African culture anyway, he was trained to become and eventually was treated as a man. In this culture, he is treated like anything but. Our nature and our pre-slave culture and tradition is completely incompatible with this Western education system. That’s why it fails so many of us. I read a book on this shit when I was a kid. Check out this cat named Dr. Jawanza Kunjufu. He lays a lot of this shit out in a book series he has called Countering the Conspiracy Against Black Boys.”

Lundy states that “The fanadu initiation is arguably the most important stage in the Balanta age progression because it represents manhood, adulthood, and the rights that are associated with this status. This ritual is some-times described as ‘opening the doors’ of maturity and wisdom in the Balanta community.” How could Cal and the millions of young black men like him, ever behave appropriately having never had the doors of maturity and wisdom opened for them?”

Denied the age-grade initiation ceremonies and having only street and gang culture, and I would add sports, as the only alternative for developing manhood, many young black men never had the spiritual, cultural and ontological opportunity to constructively develop their manhood. Meanwhile, the religion that was eventually open to them was Christianity. However, the version of Christianity that was presented was already corrupted and devoid of the gnosis of the Nilotic Negroes who originated its foundational spiritual concepts. This Europeanized version of Christianity was deliberately used to foster the spirit of “submissiveness” and subservient role in society that further mitigated against the development of traditional African manhood. Consequently, since all things proceed from “spirit”, lack of spiritual man-hood transformation has led to the physical manifestation of boys who never became men. They didn’t learn the secrets of their healthy, African society and never had the doors of maturity and wisdom of their FATHERHOOD and natural place in society opened to them. Living in the unnatural environment of white supremacy that denied and demonized black manhood, the result has been increased homosexuality. This was clearly articulated by Ras Jahaziel,

“When one looks at the first inspiration that came to I&I from His Majesty, it was an INSPIRATION through the establishment of IVINE ORDER. It was not an inspiration to create a mere RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT. Neither was it an inspiration to create a mere social movement nor a political movement. The vision was to create an IVINE ORDER OF LIVITY that encompassed ALL aspects of life. . . . Without a Pan-African vision that has as its goal the establishment of Black Nationhood with a restored concept of BLACK ROYALTY AND DIVINITY, the root of the problems that now face Black civilization cannot be rooted out. THE TRUTH MUST BE FACED THAT THE PROBLEMS ARE NOT ONLY ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND CULTURAL, but they are also SPIRITUAL in the sense of having been subjected to unnaturalness for so long that naturalness becomes an unwelcome stranger. TRAPPED, domesticated and tethered for centuries to the stake of unnaturalness the caged and domesticated creature is apt to lose its spiritual equilibrium and forget what is clean from what is unclean, what is right from what is wrong, and what is high from what is low. This is the condition of the ‘ex-slaves’ in this time, sorely in need of something more than a political movement, something that involves the reshaping of character in the similitude of ROYALTY. . . .”

From the Balanta and other African peoples point of view, once one understands and internalizes the 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors, then one understand that the greatest duty of a Balanta man is to bear children and to continue the customs which sustain the ancestors. This is totally incompatible with homosexuality. If you do not bear children to carry on the lineage of people who, through the original totemic rituals, sustained the life of the ancestors after they departed the earth, then what use, what WORTH do you have to the ancestors? The natural law justice in automatic operation is the fact that homosexual men would not reproduce themselves. However, the advent of technology and LGBT communities presents a new challenge since homosexual men are using surrogates and then raising children in non-traditional (African cultural) homosexual environments.

Finally, in concluding, I understand that many people will think that modern science and technology is a mark of progress and represents a greater level of human understanding and achievement. Such people, however, suffer from a Western bias that has proved to be the very thinking that is destroying the planet. Such people think that everything is material and they neither understand nor care to see the spiritual reality of all existence. Placide Temples, a white supremacist who studied the Bantu people, put it best when he wrote,

“In common with so many others, I used to think that we could get rid of Bantu “stupidities” by suitable talks on natural science, hygiene, etc., as if the natural sciences could subvert their traditional lore or their philosophy. We destroy in this way their Natural Sciences, but their fundamental concepts concerning the universe remain unchanged…. They have a different conception of the relationships between men, of causality and responsibility. What we regard as the illogical lucubrations of ‘gloomy Niggers’ . . . are for them logical deductions from facts as they seem them and become an ontological necessity. If thereafter we wish to convince Africans of the absurdity of their sizing up of the facts by making them see how this man came to fall sick and of what he died, that is to say, by showing them the physical causes of the death or of the illness, we are wasting our time. It would be in vain even to give them a course in microbiology to make them see with their own eyes, or even to discover for themselves through the microscope and by chemical reactions what the ‘cause’ of the death was. Even then we should not have settled their problem. We should have decided only the physiological or chemical problem connected with it. The true and underlying cause, the metaphysical cause, would none the less remain for them in terms of their thought, their traditional ontological wisdom.”

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AN IGBO EXAMPLE:

DO YOU KNOW THAT IN TRADITION, SAME-SEX MARRIAGE IS ALLOWED, BUT WITH A TANGIBLE REASON

NOW LISTEN,,,,,

The Igbo people have a culture that permits same-sex marriage but not same sex copulation.

In this kind of marriage, a widow who has past menopause but without a child or male child goes ahead to marry a younger woman of reproductive age,

So that she could bear sons to continue the lineage of her late husband.

The older woman informs the umunna (kinsmen) about her decision to marry a younger woman.

The umunna knowing that this is a great sacrifice,

Supports her and accompanies her to ask for the maidens hand in marriage.

She pays the bride price and automatically becomes the husband of the young maiden.

In most cases, such widows prefers to marry a woman whom has given birth to children outside wedlock( especially male children),

Because in Igbo land, only bride price validates father hood.

The aged widow, after marrying her wife is given a special honour and place amongst the men.

In some parts of Igbo land, such women are forbidden from having affairs; they must live the rest of their lives without feeling the warmth of a man.

It is also important to note that the marriage between these women are NON SEXUAL marriage.

Homosexuality is an abomination in Igbo land.

The younger maiden chooses a man of her choice among the ụmụnna for procreation.

Whatever child she bears is considered the legitimate child of the widow's husband and he or she bears the late husband's name.

This culture has helped in preserving and ensuring the continuity of different lineage.

YAGAZIE

Ezenwanyi mmiri obinna onatara chi Dibia igba AFA - Emeka Nwite Igbo Culture and Traditions“

Befera: The White Christian Witches of the Balanta Worldview

“Most considered those who profited at the expense of others to be what Balanta called befera . . . translated as ‘witches’ or ‘cannibals’ - people who consumed others’ health, souls, or bodies and undermined community coherence. Kidnappers who seized kin or neighbors in the night and sold them fell into this category, as did European and Eurafrican (mixed race) slavers and their middleman agents.” - Walter Hawthorne, From Africa to Brazil: Culture, Identity and an Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600-1830

To understand the Balanta view of colorless (white) people and “Christians” one must first see the world through Balanta ontology and the 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors. Only then will the following passage from Hawthorne’s book make sense:

“Across the [Guinea Bissau] coast, loyalty to and selfless hard work for family and community were virtues, deserving of praise. However, disloyalty, disobedience, and greed were ‘sins’ deserving of punishment. . . . .

Perhaps the most serious of transgressions in coastal areas was witchcraft. What witchcraft was and how it was dealt with in the Guinea-Bissau area was detailed by Philip Beaver, who launched a failed attempt to establish an English colony on the island of Bolama in the later eighteenth century. In his diary, he expressed shock at the degree to which people in the area believed in ‘witches,’ or people who attained unnatural wealth or fortune by entering into a contract with a spirit. The spirit aided the supplicant but demanded human souls in return. One evening, Beaver said, two or three of the colony’s African workers, who were known as grumetes (literally, ‘cabinboy’ but on the coast the word was applied to blacks laboring in any capacity for an employer), visited him to report that one of their colleagues named Francisco ‘was not a good man.’ Francisco, they said, ‘wanted to eat one of them (John Basse) who had been very ill.’

By ‘eating,’ the grumetes meant consuming the health, soul, or body of another, which resulted in the victim becoming sick, dying, or disappearing. The term has been used for centuries to describe witches’ actions; witches were thought to sacrifice others clandestinely at night, consuming them as part of their spirit contract. Some witches had the power to shift shapes, assuming the form of an animal and then devouring their prey. When people disappeared in the night - the victims of kidnappers who enslaved and sold them - they had been, in the coastal conception of things, ‘eaten’ by witches. That is, they had been consumed by someone who benefited from their demise..

For Europeans like Beaver, the notion of witches consuming others was ridiculous. Beaver, indeed, was struck by what he saw as the improbability of a man ‘eating’ another, so he sought explanation from a grumete. named Johnson, who was fluent in English. Johnson ‘said that the man accused of eating the other was a witch, and that he was the cause of John Basse’s illness, by sucking his blood with his infernal witchcraft.’ Although Beaver insisted, ‘that there is no such thing as a witch,’ Johnson had do doubt that there was, saying that Francisco ‘is well known to be a witch; that he has killed many people with his infernal art, and that this is the cause of his leaving his own country.’ Should he return to his people, Johnson said, Francisco ‘would be sold as a slave.’ Johnson also told Beaver of another witch among the grumetes named Corasmo. He ‘could turn himself into an alligator’ and ‘had killed many people by his witchcraft.’ Corasmo had also fled his country so as to avoid being sold to Atlantic merchants. Witchcraft, Johnson insisted again to Beaver, ‘was never forgiven, and its professors never suffered to remain in their own country when once found out’ because ‘they would either be killed or sold.’

Johnson’s statement is strikingly similar to others recorded on the Upper Guinea coast over a period of several hundred years. . . .Although there were (and are) differences in how various coastal societies viewed witches, Beaver’s account makes clear, as do many studies, that in the Guinea Bissau area, selfish and self-serving behavior was evidence of witchcraft. Witches gained fortune and elevated themselves above their peers by harming those around them, and in societies that sought to equalize the distribution of wealth and power within gender and age groupings, this was unacceptable and dangerous. People of the Cacheu River region of Guinea Bissau, Eve Crowley writes, believe that witches focus ‘excessively on personal achievement and advancement even at the expense of others.’ Witches, then, defy sanctions against ‘immoderate greed,’ becoming ‘ruthless and dangerous and willing to sacrifice the lives of their kinspeople.’ Similarly, Eric Gable argues in a study of the Manjaco of the same region, ‘Excessive prosperity is evidence of a heinous crime’ - a pact with a spirit that could only be forged at the expense of others in the community. In small-scale, egalitarian communities, he argues, ‘wealth is evil,’ and the rich are thought to be ‘morally reprehensible’ witches.

Consider now this passage from ‘From “People’s Struggle” to “This War of Today”: Entanglements of Peace and Conflict in Guinea-Bissau’. Africa 78 (2): 245-263. by Marina Temudao

“THE SPIRIT OF POLITICS In Guinea-Bissau, cosmology is a key element in the understanding of most political and social events. No matter how strongly influenced by Islam or Christianity, most people subscribe to a ‘basic cosmology’, to use Robin Horton’s apt concept (Horton 1975); they conceive of the territory as inhabited by spiritual entities known in Kriol as iran. Through contracts with these iran, the heads of the founding lineages of the ethnic group that first settled in a territory obtained the right to be called the ‘owners of the land’ (landlords). There is also a generalized understanding that every rich or famous person, every scientist and every powerful country, has one or several spirits working for them. Through contracts with these iran, mediated by the shrines’ ritual specialists, people may try to solve problems (from health to disputes), to enact revenges or to obtain power and material or symbolic resources (Crowley 1990; Temudo 2005). During the liberation struggle, Amílcar Cabral tried to fight against what he perceived as backwardness (Cabral 1979: 11, 71–107). Yet, incapable of fighting, in the short run, against the ‘cultural reality’ of the people, Cabral took the pragmatic decision to manipulate the religious notions about iran that could cause no harm to the liberation struggle (Cabral 1974: 121, 125 and 1979: 78, 82; see also Chabal 1983: 81); he left for post-colonial times the development of education and of a ‘scientific culture’ (Cabral 1979: 78, 85). By stating that the iran were also ‘nationalists’ and that they wanted the colonialists to leave Guinea, Cabral (1974: 123, 124) managed not only to convince peasants to abandon their compounds and take refuge in sacred forests, but also to gain a deeper legitimacy for the liberation war. Iran were summoned by ritual specialists to protect the land, peasants and soldiers alike. Contracts between combatants and the iran during the liberation war were considered vital in making soldiers invisible, invincible and famous in each battle that they fought. Some of these contracts, however, had to be regularly renewed during a whole lifetime; thus connecting shrine supplicants and landlords. When the liberation war ended, rituals of healing, cleansing and social reconciliation were performed: the land had to be ‘washed’ of the blood that had been spilt; the ‘souls’ of the deceased had to be ‘washed’ so that they could rest in peace together with their ancestors; combatants were ‘washed’ to protect them from the revenge of the ‘souls’ of those they had killed. Rituals were also performed ‘so as to stop the hatred that they [Nalu] had taken to the shrines against those who had adhered to the colonial side and against the Fula who committed many atrocities’ (Infansu, elderly man, 18 March 2007). Besides the Nalu landlords who organized rituals to protect all Cubucaré inhabitants, the other ethnic groups also performed their own rituals of healing and cleansing. Cosmology is also significant both because iran can be considered powerful combatants and because they can protect the territory. During the 1998–9 conflict, the southern region of Tombali – where Cubucaré lies – was ritually protected by Nalu landlords (the land was ‘closed’, as they say) to prevent the conflict from entering. 14 As had happened in the anti-colonial struggle, the spirits were, once again, summoned to participate in a war, not only to protect the Nalu territory, but also against a foreign army that was perceived as threatening national sovereignty. Forged during the liberation struggle and reinforced in the aftermath of the 1980 coup d’état, the relationship between the rural population and the ‘Guinean’ (not of Cape Verdean, Luso-African or Lebanese origin) highest ranks of the political and military state apparatus is based not so much on kith and kin or straightforward patron– client relations as on the intermediation of contracts with the iran of each ‘spirit province’ that makes up Guinea-Bissau. The weakness (or even reversal) of patron–client relations is, in my opinion, due to their feeble development during the colonial era 15 and to the empowerment of peasants, during both the liberation struggle and the post-colonial period, through their role in spiritual contracts and in the various practices and performances of the marabus. 16 Peasants are also empowered by their relatively stable livelihood systems in which agriculture provides basic wealth and reciprocity and solidarity supports people in harsh times. Through their social and political systems, through agriculture and local trade networks and through the use of their own health specialists, peasants remain, for most of their basic needs, relatively independent of the state (see also Drift 2000: 43; Forrest 2003: 205–27). The weakness of patron–client relations is also a major factor in the waning of strategies of ‘political tribalism’, even if they were attempted by the political elite. Cubucaré peasants can be considered to be more patrons than clients in their relations with the heroes of the liberation war, who continue to constitute an influential part of the political, military and economic elite. In return for some casual material benefits, they offer highly valued spiritual services reversing the patron–client model of urban–rural power relations 17 and the ‘classic’ vision of state–society ‘vertical topographies of power’. 18 Common people usually accept all gifts on offer from the political parties, and then vote for the party or the candidate of their choice – ‘politics is trade’ as youngsters usually say – but this should not be confused with patron–client relations. Furthermore, although peasants (mainly those who contributed to the liberation war) have unfulfilled expectations and claims towards the state and even a certain sense of betrayal, there is no need, as in colonial times, for the hardening of patron–client relations. The most paradigmatic example of this reversed clientelistic relationship between the urban elite and peasants is that of Nino Vieira. His unprecedented courage and ‘invincibility’ as a commander during the liberation struggle 19 are popularly explained by the multiple contracts he had made with all the powerful iran of Guinea-Bissau and the protection granted by the most prestigious marabus. After the 1980 coup, ‘traditional’ ceremonies became public events (see, for example, Fernandes 1993: 46; Gable 2003: 98, 99) and rumour had it that Vieira had established contracts with all the powerful iran of the country in order to secure the presidency for life. Nonetheless, according to some of my Cubucaré interviewees, his imprisonment at the end of the 1998–9 war had been made possible because women – aggrieved by the invasion of their country by foreign troops called in by him and wanting to restore peace – had retrieved, using invisible means, the charm (guarda) they had given to Vieira in the days of the liberation struggle. Silva notes that in the political campaigns after the war the urban elite increased the open use of ‘traditional ceremonies’ (Silva 2000: 114). Even such western-educated politicians as the well-known Dr Helder Vaz, then leader of the RGB-MB party, based his 2004 electoral campaign on contracts with the iran. 20 Again, Nino Vieira offers the best example. Before the beginning of the presidential electoral campaign, one of the most important marabus of Cubucaré (the eldest son of Vieira’s main marabu during the liberation war) was called by Vieira to work for him in the neighbouring Republic of Guinea so that he could return to the country and win the presidential elections. Vieira is also said to have reinforced his contracts with most Guinea- Bissau iran during the electoral campaign. Nonetheless, Nalu elders refused to take him to their shrines on account of his responsibility in the 1998–9 civil war. In Guinea-Bissau, politics and cosmology are connected in inextricable ways and should not be conceived as two separate fields of action.”

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Balanta, a group with whom I have spent many years, believe that to become wealthy and powerful requires striking a deal with a spirit. Such contracts are forged with the sacrifice of human lives, which is the price that spirits demand. For this, when people fall ill or die it is widely suspected that someone in a community must have acted nefariously. . . . An elder Baga put this in clear terms in an interview. ‘This is an egalitarian society,’ he said. ‘We all keep our heads at the same level; if someone wants to raise their head above the rest of us, they will have it chopped off.’

The frequency of raiding after the mid-eighteenth century offered some people increased access to wealth and introduced the possibility of widening social differentiation within egalitarian communities. Of Esulalu, Baum notes that slave raiders and their extended families managed to acquire more cattle and rice fields and took control of important religious shrines. However, because cattle holdings could be wiped out from disease, a rich man could quickly become poor. Further, slavers did not control all shrines, so they were forced to share some of their fortune with other shrine keepers. Similarly, those who reaped gains from slaving ‘had to be careful how they displayed their wealth or how they wielded power, let they be accused of using nefarious means to achieve their preeminence.’ Esulalu were, then able to limit the influence of those who realized gains from slave raiding and trading and to ‘preserve a structure of diffuse power.’ Here, as elsewhere on the coast, witchcraft trials served to maintain the status quo - to prevent some from rising too far above others. . . . Most communities remained free from rule by state’s elite. . . . Witchcraft and witchcraft trials were a means of perpetuating political and economic decentralization. Witchcraft accusations reflected tensions in society, but they did not necessarily intensify class distinctions. In Guinea Bissau, such accusations eradicated these distinctions. Witchcraft trials were the means through which common folk resisted the emergence of a political elite. . . .Those who failed to make connections within their communities - to foster friendships by acting generously rather than selfishly - were necessarily witches. No one came to their aid. Following a trial, community members, Alvares continued, ‘attack the household of the forsaken wretch and confiscate all his goods.’ In this way, wealth that should have been the community’s was distributed to the population at the moment of a witch’s elimination.

Although direct evidence is lacking, we might speculate that as the number of ships arriving in Bissau and Cacheu increased and as coastal groups stepped up the production of slaves to garner imports after 1750, the frequency of witchcraft accusations and trials increased as well. . . . Those who got too close to Europeans or, more likely, Eurafricans, who lived on the coast and served as intermediaries in trade relations, risked disrupting group cohesion by shirking their responsibilities in fields and by elevating themselves above their peers as they accumulated excessive wealth.

Thos who engaged too much with Europeans and Eurafricans risked becoming like them - risked becoming witches. And this is precisely how coastal people viewed whites and those associated with them - as witches. Beaver noted this when he wrote that ‘all white man witch’ is an article of general belief among these people.’ A few years earlier in Sierra Leone, John Matthews wrote something similar; Africans thought ‘the white man’ carried out the actions of witches with each slave he purchased, using the slave as ‘a sacrifice to his God, or to devour him as food.’ On the Upper Guinea coast from as early as the sixteenth century and through to today, many Africans called Christians (or people who professed Christian - or European-based identities) ‘white’ . . . .Given this, ‘white man’ - as in ‘all white man witch’ - likely applied to a broad spectrum of people associated with Atlantic commerce and Christianity, be they light skinned or not.

Whatever the case, it was clear to all that ‘whites’ often took possession of humans and robbed them of their strength by chaining them, marching them to ports, underfeeding them, and holding them in filthy barracoons where they awaited embarkation on ships. Moreover, ‘whites’ were motivated by selfishness and greed. They controlled great wealth, they sought ever more riches, and excessive personal affluence was evil. Europeans and Eurafricans turned people into profit - slaves into tobacco, alcohol, cloth, and other things - which was witchcraft par excellence.

Slaving and witchcraft, then, went hand in hand. . . . In the case of the Balanta, men who left their communities to meet with foreign merchants could be given the penalty of death. “

This passage from Hawthorne helps explain this further passage discussing the Balanta ancient ancestors from Credo Mutwa’s book, Indaba, My Children,

The Ba-Ntu, or the Ba-Tu, were the founders of our culture and our religion. And being a solid, uniform nation they were at peace for thousands of years. They were not ruled by chiefs, but by a High Council of the Mothers of the People – that is, all the Witches and Sybils over the age of forty. At this time the Strange Ones, the Phoenicians, or Ma-Iti, who came some five to six hundred BC, and the slave-raiding Arabs were things of the distant future.

The Ba-Tu were at peace among themselves and because a High Curse was laid upon any person who stole as much as a single grain of corn from his neighbor, crime was totally unknown. There were warriors-elect who stationed themselves along trading routes at regular intervals, to protect travelers and traders against attack, not by human beings, but by wild animals. Man, in Africa at least, had not yet thought of offending a fellow man, physically or otherwise.

The ruling Council of the Mothers of the People used magic and naked intimidation to exercise control over all the people. These people had no fear of death; they knew it as something inevitable which had to come sooner or later, and capital punishment had no meaning whatsoever. The Mothers of the People also knew that corporal punishment infuriates, challenges and hardens the average criminally inclined human being and encourages him to become more cunning. Thus, they kept war and crime away from their land with the one medium that impresses the average human being – witchcraft.

Tribal historians today still sigh for those days when there was only one race of man and the Spirit of Peace walked the land – when every man woman and child, yea, every beast felt the soothing protection of the soft-eyed, infinitely wise Mothers of the People.

This was the first and last instance in the whole record of the Black People of Africa when pure witchcraft and black magic were used, not to terrorize people, but to keep peace in the land. For hundreds of years peace reigned in the land of the Ba-Ntu and in this atmosphere of peace the Great Belief was born. When eventually this nation broke up into the various tribes the Great Belief had taken such a strong hold on the souls and minds of people that they were completely lost without it.”

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Balanta and the Banking System: A Case Study of the Criminal Application of Fictitious Corporate Statutory Law

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Our study of the legal issues concerning the Balanta people has revealed that The English, Portuguese and Spanish Christian rulers, from the 13th century up to the present, violated natural law by contriving new forms of personhood called “corporations” subject to fictitious corporate or statutory laws while at the same time designating some groups, including the Balanta and other people taken from their homelands in Africa, as corporate-less beings with no protective shield of a culturally sanctioned corporate status. The objective of these “corporations” is to make profits from the labor of the Balanta and these other peoples. The following articles detail this development:

ON QUESTIONS OF RACE, ETHNICITY AND NATIONALITY

SUMMARY OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE

ORIGIN OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES

DEVELOPMENT OF LEGAL ISSUES DURING THE BALANTA MIGRATION PERIOD

LEGAL ISSUES EFFECTING BALANTA AS A RESULT OF CONTACT WITH EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS

LEGAL ISSUES EFFECTING BALANTA AS A RESULT OF CONTACT WITH THE ENGLISH

Timeline of American History And The Birth of White Supremacy and White Privilege in America

DEVELOPMENT OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE

We are now going to see how these fictitious corporate or statutory laws are used to oppress and steal from the Balanta people in the United States through the corporate banking system. The following is an excerpt from the book, Meet Your Strawman: And Whatever You Want to Know:

WHAT IS MONEY?

Originally, in England, the unit of money was called “one pound sterling”. That was because it was literally, sterling silver weighing one pound. As it was quite difficult to carry several pounds weight of currency around with you, it was arranged that the actual silver could be held in a bank and a promissory note which was essentially, a receipt for the deposit of each pound of silver on deposit, was issued. It was much easier to carry these “bank notes” around and to do business with them. If you wanted to, you could always take these notes to a bank and ask for them to be cashed, and the bank would hand you the equivalent weight of sterling in exchange for the notes.

Today, the currency in America is “bank notes” which are certainly easier to carry around than metal coins, bu there is one very important difference. These notes are issued by the private company called “The Federal Reserve Bank” (which is a s good a name for a company as any other name). However, if you were to take one of their bank notes to a branch of that company and ask for it to be cashed, all that they would do is give you another not with the same numbers of credit printed on it, or alternatively, other notes with smaller numbers printed on them. This is because, unlike the original bank notes, there is nothing of any physical value backing up the bank notes of today - they are only materially worth the physical paper on which they are printed.

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It actually gets worse than that. What happens most commonly nowadays is that they do not even bother printing those pieces of paper. Now, they just tap some numbers into a computer record, or if they are old-fashioned enough, they write the numbers into a ledger by hand. What do those numbers represent? Nothing at all - they have no actual value, in other words, just as much value as if you typed them into your own computer - quite meaningless - and yet, a bank or other financial institution will merrily “lend” you those numbers in return for years of your work, plus interest charges - now isn’t that really generous of them?

Actually, this is not at all funny, because if you don’t keep paying them money earned by your very real work, they will attempt to take your house and possessions away from you. This wont happen if you understand that what they lent you was actually valueless. Take the case of Jerome Daly of Minnesota in America. In court, Jerome challenged the right of the bank to foreclose on his home which had been purchased with a loan from the bank. Jerome argued that any mortgage contract required that both parties (that is, himself and the bank) put up a legitimate form of property for the exchange. In legal language, that is called a legitimate “consideration” put forward by both parties to the contract.

Jerome explained that the “money” was in fact not the property of the bank as it had been created out of nothing as soon as the loan agreement was signed. That is, the money does not come out of the bank’s existing assets as the bank is simply inventing it, and in reality the bank is putting up nothing of its own, except for a fictional liability on paper. As the court case progressed, the President of the Bank, Mr. Morgan, took the stand and admitted that the bank, in combination with the (privately owned commercial company called) “The Federal Reserve Bank”, created the entire amount of the loan in “credit” in its own books by means of a bookkeeping entry, the money and credit coming into existence when they created it. Further, Mr. Morgan admitted that no United States Law or Statute exists which gives him the right to do this. A lawful consideration must exist and must be tendered to support the loan agreement. The jury found that there had been no lawful consideration put forward by the bank, so the court rejected the bank’s application for foreclosure and Jerome Daly kept his home debt free.

That is exactly the situation with all American mortgages. When someone makes an application for a mortgage or any other loan, the applicant’s signature is required on the application form before the loan is approved. The “signature” on that signed application makes it a valuable piece of paper which the bank can deposit in its accounts as a credit to the bank for the amount of the loan. The bank could just keep that application form and stay ahead by $100,000 or whatever, but they want more, much more. They want the borrower to pay them that same amount again, funding it by years of labor, and not only the amount of the supposed “loan” but significant extra amount in interest as well. Why do you think that they are so keen to lend you “money” - they are even willing to lend to people with very poor credit, as there is no way that the bank can lose out on the deal, no matter what happens.

This is why, if a company starts demanding payment of large sums of money, you start by asking them to provide the “accounting” for the deal. In other words, you are asking them to show in writing that they provided something of genuine worth as their side of the loan contract. As they invented the money as numbers in their books, with no real worth attached to those numbers, they are in deep trouble as they can’t comply with your demand to see their accounting for the deal. Did you ever wonder how the average bank manages to make hundreds of millions of dollars profit every year?

THE BOOKKEEPING

This next part of the information may be a little difficult to understand. When any business is being run, the accounts are recorded as money “coming in” and money “going out”. For a bank, the money coming in is called a “Credit” and money going out is called a “Debit”. The objective is to have these two amounts always match each other (balance) for any customer. Not everything done in banking is immediately obvious to the average person, so it may be a little difficult to understand how everything works in this area.

If you have an account with a bank and you deposit $200 to open the account, the bank enters that in its books as a Credit. The Credit on your account is $200 and the Debit is $0 so the balance has a positive, or Credit, value of $200.

If you were to withdraw $300, then the bank would record this as a Debit of $300. When the Credit balance on your account is $200, the balance on your account would be $100 in Debit, that is, overdrawn by $100.

If you were to deposit a further $100 and then close your account, the bank would not have any problem, other than the fact that they would like to keep you on as a customer.\

As far as the accounting goes, your account is balanced and the bank is satisfied with the state of affairs, $300 has come in and $300 has gone out, the books balance -case closed.

Now, if you were to apply for a loan (mortgage or otherwise) for $100,000 from the bank, they would give you an application form which is set out in such a way that you have to fill in the Strawman’s name rather than your own - separate boxes with one of them containing “Mr.” and they may even require you to fill the form in using block capital letters.

You may think the capital letters are so that they can read your writing or perhaps, to make it easier for it to be entered into a computer, but the name in those capital letters belongs to the Strawman and not you. You have actually made an application on behalf of the Strawman and not on behalf of yourself!

You might wonder why they would want you to do this. After all, what could they ever get from the Strawman? Well, you might be surprised. When the Strawman was incorporated they assigned a large monetary value to it, possibly $100,000,000 and they have been trading on the stock market on behalf of the Strawman ever since, and you know how many years that has been. So, very surprisingly, in their opinion, the little fellow is really very rich, and you have just authorized them to take the amount of your loan application from the Strawman’s account. So before the bank passes you any money, it has already gotten its money from the Strawman account and entered it in its books as a $100,000 Credit to your loan account. They then place the $100,000 into your loan account as a Debit. Interestingly, that loan account is now balanced and could easily be closed off as a completed deal.

This is where the sneaky part comes in. To get the money out of your account, you have to write and sign a check for $100, 000 on that account. What does the bank do with checks which you sign? It assigns them to the account as an asset of the bank, and suddenly, the bank is ahead by $100,000 because the check is in the name of the Strawman who can supply the bank with almost any amount of money. But it doesn’t end there, as the bank is confident that you know so little about what is going on that you will pay them anything up to $100,000 over the years, against what you believe you owe them! If that happens, then they have made yet another $100,000 for the bank. To make things even better for them, they want you to pay them interest on the money which you (don’t actually) owe them. Overall, they make a great deal of money when you borrow from them, so perhaps you can see now why banks make hundreds of millions in profit each year.

If the loan were used to buy a property, then the bank probably insisted that you assign the title deeds to them as collateral for the loan, as soon as the property deal closed (was completed). If you then fail to keep paying them, they are likely to attempt to foreclose on the “loan” and sell your property quickly for an even greater profit. And to add insult to injury, if the property sale did not exceed the amount of the “loan” plus the charges for selling it, then they are likely to claim that you owe them the difference!

Perhaps you can now see why Jerome Daly told them to go take a running jump at themselves, and why your request for “the accounting” for any loan made to you, puts the bank in an impossible situation. If the bank then just writes and tells you that the “debt” is fully discharged, they still have made a massive profit on the operation, and they also hope that the vast majority of their customers will not catch on to the fact that they are paying far too much for their property, or even that there is a Strawman involved.

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https://www.slideshare.net/SurbhiJindal3/federal-reserve-bank

Please don’t feel that you are ripping off the banks if you don’t pay them what they are asking you to pay - they have already recovered everything paid out before you start paying them for the second or third time.

When it is a Mortgage the entire process is very much the same. . . . [Here] is typical property sale and mortgage:

The buyer goes to Magic Bank in response to the bank’s claim that it is in the business of lending money in accordance with its corporate charter. The buyer went to the bank believing that Magic Bank had the asset (money) to lend. Magic Bank never tells its customers the truth that it does not have any money to lend, nor that Magic Bank is not permitted to use their depositors’ money to lend to its borrowers.

Notwithstanding the fact that Magic Bank does not have any money to lend, Magic Bank makes the buyer/borrower sing a mortgage loan application form which is essentially a promissory note saying that the buyer/borrower promises to pay Magic Bank for the money (what money?) which he is supposed to receive from Magic Bank even before any value or consideration is received by the buyer/borrower from Magic Bank. The buyer actually paid for the property using his own promissory note.

At this point, the seller has not received any money or cash so Magic Bank and its magicians must perform more magic in order to satisfy the seller’s requirement that he get paid, or the whole deal is null and void. The seller does not even know that the property has been magically conveyed to the buyer’s name in order for the seller to receive any money.

The ensuing magic trick is accomplished this way. The buyer is made to sign another promissory note. The mortgage contract is attached to the promissory note which makes the buyer liable to pay Magic Bank for the money or the loan which the buyer has not yet or may never receive for up to twenty five years or more depending on the term of the mortgage contract. This note is linked to the collateral thorugh the mortgage contract as such, it is valuable to Magic Bank.

Magic Bank then goes to the Federal Reserve Bank or to another bank to pledge the deal that they have just gotten from the buyer for credit. The Federal Reserve Bank then gives Magic Bank the “credit”. Remember, it is not Magic Bank’s credit, it is the buyer’s credit who promised to pay Magic Bank if and when the money is received by the buyer from Magic Bank payable for up to 25 years or more.

Note: What happened above is basically a “swap” transaction all banks do to “monetize” security. In this case, the second promissory note that is linked to the mortgage contract and signed by the buyer is a mortgage-backed security.

Magic Bank will then agree to pay the Federal Reserve Bank a certain percentage of interest over “prime”. Thus the buyer’s loan package goes to the Federal Reserve Bank which credits Magic Bank with the full amount of credit which is the total amount of the principal plus all the interest payments the buyer has promised to pay to Magic Bank for 25 years or more which is usually three times the amount of the money promised by Magic Bank to the buyer. By magic, Magic Bank just enriched itself and got paid in advance, without using or risking its own money.

Magic Bank’s magician, the lawyer who holds the check that is backed by the buyer’s promissory note, then writes a check to the seller as payment for the property. In effect, the buyer paid the seller with his own money by virtue of the fact that it was the buyer’s own money (the promissory note) that made the purchase of the sale possible. Magic Bank just mad a cool 300% profit without using or risking any capital of its own.

Neither was there any depositor’s money deducted from Magic Bank’s asset account in this transaction.

What really happened was pure deception and if we the people tried to do this, we would end up in prison being found guilty of fraud and criminal conversion not to mention that the property would have been seized by the court.

This is only a crime if we, the people, do it to each other as it would be an indictable crime if we issued a check with no funds. There would not be any deal, no purchase and sale agreement because there is no valuable consideration. In order to de-criminalize the transaction, we need Magic Bank and their cohorts to make the deal happen. It is really a conspiracy of sorts but these “person"s” , the banks, the lawyers, the land title offices or eve the courts do not consider the transaction as fraudulent transactions because these transactions happen all the time.

Such a contract is “void ab initio” or “void from the beginning” which means that the contract never took place in the first place. Moreover, the good faith and fair dealing requirements through full disclosure is non-existent which further voids the contract.

Magic Bank failed to disclose to the buyer that it will not be giving the buyer any valuable consideration and taking interest back as additional benefit to unjustly enrich the corporation. Magic Bank also failed to disclose how much profit they are going to make on the deal.

Magic Bank led the buyer to believe that the money going to the seller would be coming from its own asset account. They lied because they knew, or ought to have known, that their own book or ledger would show that Magic Bank does not have any money to lend and that their records will show that no such loan transaction ever took place. Their own book will show that there would be no debits from Magic Bank’s asset account at all and all that would show up are the two entries made when the buyer gave Magic Bank the first collateral or the promissory note which enabled Magic Bank to cut a check which made it possible to convey the property from seller to the buyer free and clear of all liens or encumbrances as required by the agreement of purchase and sale entered into in writing between the buyer and the seller. What really happened was not magic; in reality, the buyer’s promissory note was used by Magic Bank and its magicians - the lawyers and land title clerks - to convey free title to the buyer from the seller. So why do we need the mortgage contract at all?

The other entry that would show up when we audit Magic Bank’s accounts, is the other pledge of collateral including the buyer’s promissory note which was converted (unlawfully and without disclosure or permission from the buyer) into a mortgage-backed security which was “swapped” or deposited by Magic Bank to the Federal Reserve Bank for which another deposit was entered into Magic Bank’s transaction account. From the above, we can list all the criminal acts perpetrated by Magic Bank:

  1. The mortgage contract was “void ab-initio” because Magic Bank lied and never intended to lend a single cent of their own asset or depositor’s money to the buyer.

  2. A valid contract must have lawful or valuable consideration. the contract failed for anticipated breach. Magic Bank never planned to give the buyer/borrower any valuable consideration.

  3. Magic Bank breached all its fiduciary duties to the buyer and is therefore guilty of criminal breach of trust by failing in its good faith requirement.

  4. Magic Bank concealed the fact from the buyer that it would be using the buyer’s promissory notes; first to clear all the liens and encumbrances in order to convey clear title to the buyer and then use the second promissory note to obtain more money from the Federal Reserve Bank or other institutions that buy and sell mortgage-backed security. Magic Bank received up to three times the amount of money required to purchase the property and kept the proceeds to itself without telling the buyer.

  5. Magic Bank violated its corporate charter by lending “credit” or “nothing at all” to the buyer and then charging interest on this make-believe loan. Banks are only licensed to lend their own money, not other people’s money. Magic Bank used the buyer’s promissory note to clear the title which essentially purchased the property from the seller. The transaction is ‘An ultra vires” transaction because Magic Bank has engaged in a contract “outside of it’s lawful mandate.” An ultra vires contract is void or voidable because it is non-existent in law.

  6. Everyone involved in this undertaking with Magic Bank, starting with the loan or mortgage officer, the lawyers, the land title office and even the central bank are equally guilty by association by aiding and abetting Magic Bank in its commission of its crimes against the buyer and the people who would eventually have to absorb all of the loss through increased taxes, etc.

In the final analysis, Magic Bank and the other who profited from the ultra vires transaction are all guilty of unjust enrichment and fraud for deceiving the buyer and the people, and for acting in concert in this joint endeavor to deceive the buyer.

From Shaun Walker’s petition to the U.S. House of Representatives

“Let's abolish the federal reserve and save Humanity from slavery.

 Now that we know the Federal Reserve is a privately owned, for-profit corporation, a natural question would be: who OWNS this company? Peter Kershaw provides the answer in "Economic Solutions" where he lists the ten primary shareholders in the Federal Reserve banking system. 

1) The Rothschild Family - London

2) The Rothschild Family - Berlin

3) The Lazard Brothers - Paris

4) Israel Seiff - Italy

5) Kuhn-Loeb Company - Germany

6) The Warburgs - Amsterdam

7) The Warburgs - Hamburg

8) Lehman Brothers - New York

9) Goldman & Sachs - New York

10) The Rockefeller Family - New York


Now I don't know about you, but something is terribly wrong with this situation. Namely, don't we live in AMERICA? If so, why are seven of the top ten stockholders located in FOREIGN countries? That's 70%! To further convey how screwed-up this system is, Jim Marrs provides the following data in his phenomenal book, "Rule By Secrecy." He says that the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, which undeniably controls the other eleven Federal Reserve branches, is essentially controlled by two financial institutions:


1) Chase-Manhattan (controlled by the Rockefellers) - 6,389,445 shares - 32.3%
2) Citbank - 4,051,851 shares - 20.5%


Thus, these two entities control nearly 53% of the New York Federal Reserve Bank. Doesn't that boggle your mind? Now, considering how many trillions of dollars are involved here, and how the bankers are WAY above our "selected" officials in Washington, D.C., do you think the above-listed banks and families have an inordinate amount of say-so in how our country is being run? The answer is blindingly apparent. 

Where does the money come from?
We all know that the Federal Reserve CORPORATION prints money - then loans it, at interest, to our government. But wait until you see what a total scam this process is. But before we get to the meat of this issue, let's remember one thing about the very essence of banking - primarily that money should have some type of standard upon which its value is based. In the case of America, we operate on what is called a "gold standard" (i.e. our money is backed by gold). 

So, with that in mind, let's look at how money is actually created, and at what cost. If the Federal Reserve wants to print 1,000 one-hundred ($100) bills, their total cost for ink, paper, plates, labor, etc. would be approximately $23.00 (according to Davy Kidd in "Why A Bankrupt America"). Now, if you do the math, the total cost of 10,000 bills would be $230.00 ($.023 x 10,000). But, and here's the catch - 10,000 $100 bills equals $1,000,000! So, the Federal Reserve can "create" a million dollars, then LEND it to the U.S. Government (with interest) for a total cost of $230.00! That's not a bad deal, huh!


The banking industry calls this process "seignorage." I call it outright THEFT. Why? Well, regardless of the immense profit margin ($1,000,000 for $230), plus the huge interest payments, our government then needs to STEAL the American people's money to payoff their debts via a Mob-like agency called the IRS. So the bankers steal from the government, then the government turns around and steals from the people. I'm no genius, but who do you think is getting screwed in this process? US - the people at the bottom rung of the ladder. 

What's worse is that - now catch your breath - there's NO MORE gold left in Fort Knox! It's all gone. In other words, the GOLD STANDARD that our financial system was based upon is now an illusion. We can't convert our money into gold --- only other currency. The entire underlying basis for our money is now a lie - a sham. The Federal Reserve has become so arrogant that they've become a literal MONEY MAKING MACHINE, creating currency out of thin air! So that's where the Fed gets their money - they literally make it, then lend it to us so they can make even MORE money off of it. 

Money As A Religion
The above-detailed process has become so ridiculous that William Grieder, former assistant managing editor of the Washington Post, wrote a book in 1987 entitled, "Secrets of the Temple: How the Federal Reserve Runs the Country" that details how the Controllers have conditioned us to accept this absurd situation. 

To modern minds," he writes, "it seemed bizarre to think of the Federal Reserve as a religious institution. Yet the conspiracy theorists, in their own demented way, were on to something real and significant. The Fed did also function in the realm of religion. Its mysterious powers of money creation, inherited from priestly forebears, shielded a complex bundle of social and psychological meanings. With its own form of secret incantation, the Federal Reserve presided over awesome social ritual, transactions so powerful and frightening they seemed to lie beyond common understanding."


Mr. Grieder continues, "Above all, money was a function of faith. It required implicit and universal social consent that was indeed mysterious. To create money and use it, each one must believe, and everyone must believe. Only then did worthless pieces of paper take on value."


Do you get it? MONEY is an ILLUSION! Why? Because the gold standard upon which our money is supposed to be based has been eliminated. There's no more gold in Fort Knox. It's all GONE! Now, money really IS only paper!!! In the past, money was supposed to represent something of tangible value.
Now it's simply paper!


Taken one step further, many of us don't even use paper money any more! Why? Well, here's a scenario. Many places of employment directly deposit their employee's paychecks into the bank. Once the money is there, when bill time comes around, the person in question can write out a stack of checks to pay them. Plus, when they need gasoline they use a credit card; and groceries a debit card. If this person goes out for dinner on Friday night, they can charge the tab on their diner's card. But what about the tip? They simply scribble in the amount at the bottom of the check. So far, the person hasn't spent a single dollar bill. Plus, if you bring electronic banking into the picture, we've virtually eliminated the use for money.


And, God forbid, what happens when encoded microchips are implanted into the backs of our hand?
In essence, money has become nothing more than an illusion - an electronic figure or amount on a computer screen. That's it! As time goes on, we have an increasing tendency toward being sucked into this Wizard of Oz vortex of unreality. Think about it. Americans as a whole are carrying more personal debt than in any other time in history. Plus our government keeps going further and further into the hole, with no hope of ever crawling out. But we have less and less actual MONEY! We're being enslaved by the debt of electronic blips on a computer screen! And 70% of the banks that control this debt via the Federal Reserve exist in foreign countries! What in God's name is going on? As author William Bramley says, "The result of this whole system is MASSIVE debt at every level of society."


We're getting screwed in a sickening way, folks, and the people doing it are demented magician-priests that use the ILLUSION of money as their control device. And I hate to say it, but if we allow things to keep going as they are, the situation will only get worse. Our only hope ... ONLY HOPE ... is to immediately take drastic action and remedy this crime.

Do some research, wake up, stand up and do something about it....

IRS FRAUD

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THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES PUBLISHED IN THE USA TODAY WILL EXPLAIN ALL OF IT

WHY DO YOU PAY TAXES?

USA TODAY ARTICLE 1

USA TODAY ARTICLE 2

USA TODAY ARTICLE 3

USA TODAY ARTICLE 4

USA TODAY ARTICLE 5

Birth Certificates are Federal Bank Notes

In 1913, Colonel Edward Mandell House helped to pick the charter members of the original Federal Reserve Board.

Edward Mandell House (originally “Huis” which became “House”) was born July 26, 1858 in Houston, Texas. He became active in Texas politics and served as an advisor to President Woodrow Wilson, particularly in the area of foreign affairs. House functioned as Wilson's chief negotiator in Europe during the negotiations for peace (1917-1919), and as chief deputy for Wilson at the Paris Peace Conference. He died on March 28, 1938 in New York City.

Edward and his father had friends in the Ku Klux Klan.  The Klan dispensed vigilante justice after the Civil War.  In 1880 a new legitimate group was in charge of dispensing justice in Texas -- the Texas Rangers.  Many of the Texas Rangers were members of the Klan. Edward was the new master.  Edward gained their loyalty by stroking their egos.  Edward would use his money and influence to try and make them famous.  Edward eventually inherited the Texas Ku Klux Klan.

Edward Mandell House helped to make four men governor of Texas: James S. Hogg (1892), Charles A. Culberson (1894), Joseph D. Sayers (1898), and S. W.T. Lanham (1902).  After the election House acted as unofficial advisor to each governor.  Hogg gave House the title "Colonel" by promoting House to his staff.

Edward wanted to control more than Texas, Edward wanted to control the country. Edward would do so by becoming a king maker instead of a king. Edward knew that if he could control two or three men in the Senate, two or three men in the House; and the President, he could control the country.

Edward would influence the candidate from behind the scenes. The people would perceive one man was representing them, when in reality; an entirely different man was in control.  House didn't need to influence millions of people; he need only influence a handful of men.  Edward would help establish a secret society in America that would operate in the same fashion -- the Council on Foreign Relations.

Edward Mandell House was instrumental in getting Woodrow Wilson elected as President.  Edward had the support of William Jennings Bryan and the financial backing of the House of Rockefeller's National City Bank.  Edward became Wilson's closest unofficial advisor.

Edward Mandell House and some of his schoolmates were also members of Cecil Rhodes Round Table group.  The Round Table Group, the back bone of the Secret Society, had four pet projects, a graduated income tax, a central bank, creation of a Central Intelligence Agency, and the League of Nations.

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The Confessions of a Reformer by Fredric C. Howe

The Confessions of a Reformer by Fredric C. Howe

Between 1901 and 1913 the House of Morgan and the House of Rockefeller formed close alliances with the Dukes and the Mellons. This group consolidated their power and came to dominate other Wall Street powers including: Carnegie, Whitney, Vanderbilt, Brown-Harriman, and Dillon-Reed. The Round Table Group wanted to control the people by having the government tax people and deposit the peoples money in a central bank. The Group would take control of the bank and therefore have control of the money. The Group would take control of the State Department and formulate government policy, which would determine how the money was spent. The Group would control the CIA which would gather information about people, and script and produce psycho-political operations focused at the people to influence them to act in accord with Round Table Group State Department policy decisions. The Group would work to consolidate all the nations of the world into a single nation, with a single central bank under their control, and a single International Security System.  Some of the first legislation of the Wilson Administration was the institution of the graduated income tax (1913) and the creation of a central bank called the Federal Reserve.  An inheritance tax was also instituted. These tax laws were used to rationalize the need for legislation that allowed the establishment of tax-exempt foundations. The tax-exempt foundations became the link between the Group member's private corporations and the University system. The Group would control the Universities by controlling the sources of their funding. The funding was money sheltered from taxes being channeled in ways which would help achieve Round Table Group aims.

Edward Mandell House had this to say in a private meeting with President Woodrow Wilson:

“[Very] soon, every American will be required to register their biological property in a national system designed to keep track of the people and that will operate under the ancient system of pledging.  By such methodology, we can compel people to submit to our agenda, which will effect our security as a chargeback for our fiat paper currency. Every American will be forced to register or suffer being unable to work and earn a living. They will be our chattel, and we will hold the security interest over them forever, by operation of the law merchant under the scheme of secured transactions. 

Americans, by unknowingly or unwittingly delivering the bills of lading to us will be rendered bankrupt and insolvent,   forever to remain economic slaves through taxation, secured by their pledges. They will be stripped of their rights and given a commercial value designed to make us a profit and they will be none the wiser, for not one man in a million could ever figure our plans and, if by accident one or two should figure it out, we have in our arsenal plausible deniability. After all, this is the only logical way to fund government, by floating liens and debt to the registrants in the form of benefits and privileges. This will inevitably reap to us huge profits beyond our wildest expectations and leave every American a contributor to this fraud which we will call  “Social Insurance.” Without realizing it, every American will insure us for any loss we may incur and in this manner, every American will unknowingly be our servant, however begrudgingly. The people will become helpless and without any hope for their redemption and, we will employ the high office of the President of our dummy corporation to foment this plot against America.”

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City of London Corporation:

The City of London Corporation, officially and legally the Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens of the City of London, is the municipal governing body of the City of London, the historic centre of London and the location of much of the United Kingdom's financial sector.

In 2006 the name was changed from Corporation of London as the corporate body needed to be distinguished from the geographical area thus avoiding confusion with the wider London local government, the Greater London Authority.[3]

Both businesses and residents of the City, or "Square Mile", are entitled to vote in City elections, and in addition to its functions as the local authority—analogous to those undertaken by the 32 boroughs that administer the rest of the Greater London region—it takes responsibility for supporting the financial services industry and representing its interests.[4] The corporation's structure includes the Lord Mayor, the Court of Aldermen, the Court of Common Council, and the Freemen and Livery of the City. The "Liberties and Customs" of the City of London are guaranteed in Magna Carta’s clause 9, which remains in statute.[5]

Two Constitutions in the United States. 1st was suspended in favor of a Vatican Corporation in 1871

“Pope meeting with the board of directors of The Vatican Bank

Since 1871 the United States president and the United States Congress has been playing politics under a different set of rules and policies. The American people do not know that there are two Constitutions in the United States. The first penned by the leaders of the newly independent states of the United States in 1776. On July 4, 1776, the people claimed their independence from Britain and Democracy was born. And for 95 years the United States people were free and independent. That freedom ended in 1871 when the original “Constitution for the united states for America” was changed to the “THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA”.

The Congress realized that the country was in dire financial straits, so they made a financial deal with the devil – international bankers — (in those days, the Rothschilds of London ) thereby incurring a DEBT to said bankers. The conniving international bankers were not about to lend the floundering nation any money without some serious stipulations. So, they devised a way of taking back control of the United States and thus, the Act of 1871 was passed. With no constitutional authority to do so, Congress created a separate form of government for the District of Columbia.

With the passage of “the Act of 1871” a city state (a state within a state) called the District of Columbia located on 10 sq miles of land in the heart of Washington was formed with its own flag and its own independent constitution – the United States’ secret second constitution.

The flag of Washington’s District of Columbia has 3 red stars, each symbolizing a city state within the three city empire. The three city empire consists of Washington D.C., London, and Vatican City. London is the corporate center of the three city states and controls the world economically. Washington’s District of Columbia city state is in charge of the military, and the Vatican controls it all under the guise of spiritual guidance. Although geographically separate, the city states of London, the Vatican and the District of Columbia are one interlocking empire called “Empire of the City”

The constitution for the District of Columbia operates under tyrannical Vatican law known as “Lex Fori” (local law). When congress passed the act of 1871 it created a separate corporation known as THE UNITED STATES and corporate government for the District of Columbia. This treasonous act has unlawfully allowed the District of Columbia to operate as a corporation outside the original constitution of the United States and in total disregard of the best interests of the American citizens.

What did the Act of 1871 achieve? The ACT of 1871 put the United States back under British rule (which is under Vatican rule). The United States people lost their independence in 1871.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA is the constitution of the incorporated UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. It operates in an economic capacity and has been used to fool the People into thinking it governs the Republic. It does not! Capitalization is NOT insignificant when one is referring to a legal document. This seemingly “minor” alteration has had a major impact on every subsequent generation of Americans. What Congress did by passing the Act of 1871 was create an entirely new document, a constitution for the government of the District of Columbia, an INCORPORATED government.

Instead of having absolute and unalienable rights guaranteed under the organic Constitution, we the people now have “relative” rights or privileges. One example is the Sovereign’s right to travel, which has now been transformed (under corporate government policy) into a “privilege” that requires citizens to be licensed – driver’s licenses and Passports. By passing the Act of 1871, Congress committed TREASON against the People who were Sovereign under the grants and decrees of the Declaration of Independence and the organic Constitution. The Act of 1871 became the FOUNDATION of all the treason since committed by government officials.

As of 1871 the United States isn’t a Country; It’s a Corporation! In preparation for stealing America, the puppets of Britain’s banking cabal had already created a second government, a Shadow Government designed to manage what “the people” believed was a democracy, but what really was an incorporated UNITED STATES. Together this chimera, this two-headed monster, disallowed “the people” all rights of sui juris. [you, in your sovereignty]

The U.S.A. is a Crown Colony. The U.S. has always been and remains a British Crown colony. King James I, is not just famous for translating the Bible into “The King James Version”, but for signing the “First Charter of Virginia” in 1606 — which granted America’s British forefathers license to settle and colonize America. The charter guaranteed future Kings/Queens of England would have sovereign authority over all citizens and colonized land in America.

After America declared independence from Great Britain, the Treaty of Paris, signed on September 3, 1783 was signed. That treaty identifies the King of England as prince of U.S. “Prince George the Third, by the grace of God, king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, duke of Brunswick and Lunebourg, arch- treasurer and prince elector of the Holy Roman Empire etc., and of the United States of America“– completely contradicting premise that America won The War of Independence.

Article 5 of that treaty gave all British estates, rights and properties back to Britain.

“It is agreed that Congress shall earnestly recommend it to the legislatures of the respective states to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights, and properties, which have been confiscated belonging to real British subjects; and also of the estates, rights, and properties of persons resident in districts in the possession on his Majesty’s arms and who have not borne arms against the said United States. And that persons of any other decription shall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen United States and therein to remain twelve months unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such of their estates, rights, and properties as may have been confiscated; and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states a reconsideration and revision of all acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent not only with justice and equity but with that spirit of conciliation which on the return of the blessings of peace should universally prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several states that the estates, rights, and properties, of such last mentioned persons shall be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in possession the bona fide price (where any has been given) which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights, or properties since the confiscation.

And it is agreed that all persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful impediment in the prosecution of their just rights.”

It is becoming increasingly apparent to American citizens that government is no longer being conducted in accordance with the U.S. Constitution, or, within states, according to state constitutions. While people have recognized for more than 150 years that the rich and powerful often corrupt individual officials, or exert undue influence to get legislation passed that favors their interests, most Americans still cling to the naive belief that such corruption is exceptional, and that most of the institutions of society, the courts, the press, and law enforcement agencies, still largely comply with the Constitution and the law in important matters. They expect that these corrupting forces are disunited and in competition with one another, so that they tend to balance one another.

Mounting evidence makes it clear that the situation is far worse than most people think, that during the last several decades the U.S. Constitution has been effectively overthrown, and that it is now observed only as a façade to deceive and placate the masses.”

The District of Columbia Organic Act of 1871

“is an Act of Congress that repealed the individual charters of the cities of Washington and Georgetown and established a new territorial government for the whole District of Columbia. Though Congress repealed the territorial government in 1874, the legislation was the first to create a single municipal government for the federal district.[1].

The outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 led to notable growth in the capital's population due to the expansion of the federal government and a large influx of emancipated slaves.[2] By 1870, the District's population had grown 75% to nearly 132,000 residents.[3] Growth was even more dramatic within the County of Washington, where the population more than doubled as people escaped the crowded city.[4]

The individual local governments within the District were insufficient to handle the population growth. Living conditions were poor throughout the capital, which still had dirt roads and lacked basic sanitation. The situation was so bad that some lawmakers in Congress even suggested moving the capital out further west, but President Ulysses S. Grant refused to consider the proposals.[5]

Instead, Congress passed the Organic Act of 1871, which revoked the individual charters of the cities of Washington and Georgetown and combined them with Washington County to create a unified territorial government for the entire District of Columbia.[6]

The Act did not establish a new city or city government within the District. Regarding a city , it stated that "the District of Columbia be, and is hereby, declared to be the successor of said corporations (Washington and Georgetown)". In the present day, the name "Washington" is commonly used to refer to the entire District, but there is no longer an official entity in the District by that name.[9]

The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, states,

we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude, and to apply and appropriate realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, possessions and goods of this kind to you and your use and your successors the Kings of Portugal.”

The Papal Bull "Inter Caetera," issued by Pope Alexander VI on May 4, 1493 stated that any land not inhabited by Christians was available to be "discovered," claimed, and exploited by Christian rulers and declared that "the Catholic faith and the Christian religion be exalted and be everywhere increased and spread, that the health of souls be cared for and that barbarous nations be overthrown and brought to the faith itself." This "Doctrine of Discovery" became the basis of all European claims in the Americas as well as the foundation for the United States’ western expansion. This ideology supported the dehumanization of those living on the land and their dispossession, murder, and forced assimilation. The Doctrine fueled white supremacy insofar as white European settlers claimed they were instruments of divine design and possessed cultural superiority.  

The Doctrine of Discovery was the inspiration in the 1800s for the Monroe Doctrine, which declared U.S. hegemony over the Western Hemisphere, and Manifest Destiny, which justified American expansion westward by propagating the belief that the U.S. was destined to control all land from the Atlantic to the Pacific and beyond. 

THE DOCTRINE OF DISCOVERY IN U.S. LAW

In 1823, the Christian Doctrine of Discovery was quietly adopted into U.S. law by the Supreme Court in the celebrated case, Johnson v. McIntosh (8 Wheat., 543). Writing for a unanimous court, Chief Justice John Marshall observed that Christian European nations had assumed "ultimate dominion" over the lands of America during the Age of Discovery, and that - upon "discovery" - the Indians had lost "their rights to complete sovereignty, as independent nations," and only retained a right of "occupancy" in their lands. In other words, Indians nations were subject to the ultimate authority of the first nation of Christendom to claim possession of a given region of Indian lands. [Johnson:574; Wheaton:270-1]

According to Marshall, the United States - upon winning its independence in 1776 - became a successor nation to the right of "discovery" and acquired the power of "dominion" from Great Britain. [Johnson:587-9] Of course, when Marshall first defined the principle of "discovery," he used language phrased in such a way that it drew attention away from its religious bias, stating that "discovery gave title to the government, by whose subject, or by whose authority, the discovery was made, against all other European governments." [Johnson:573-4] However, when discussing legal precedent to support the court's findings, Marshall specifically cited the English charter issued to the explorer John Cabot in March of 1496, in order to document England's "complete recognition" of the Doctrine of Discovery. [Johnson:576] Then, paraphrasing the language of the charter, Marshall noted that Cabot was authorized to take possession of lands, "notwithstanding the occupancy of the natives, who were heathens, and, at the same time, admitting the prior title of any Christian people who may have made a previous discovery." [Johnson:577]. The charter further said,

“John and his sons or their heirs and deputies may conquer, occupy and possess whatsoever such towns, castles, cities and islands by them thus discovered that they may be able to conquer, occupy and possess, as our vassals and governors lieutenants and deputies therein, acquiring for us the dominion, title and jurisdiction of the same towns, castles, cities, islands and mainlands so discovered;”

In other words, the Court affirmed that United States law was based on a fundamental rule of the "Law of Nations" - that it was permissible to virtually ignore the most basic rights of indigenous "heathens," and to claim that the "unoccupied lands" of America rightfully belonged to discovering Christian European nations.

Of course, it's important to understand that, as Benjamin Munn Ziegler pointed out in The International Law of John Marshall, the term "unoccupied lands" referred to "the lands in America which, when discovered, were 'occupied by Indians' but 'unoccupied' by Christians." [Ziegler:46]

Ironically, the same year that the Johnson v. McIntosh decision was handed down, founding father James Madison wrote: "Religion is not in the purview of human government. Religion is essentially distinct from civil government, and exempt from its cognizance; a connection between them is injurious to both."

Most of us have been brought up to believe that the United States Constitution was designed to keep church and state apart. Unfortunately, with the Johnson decision, the Christian Doctrine of Discovery was not only written into U.S. law but also became the cornerstone of U.S. Indian policy over the next century.

Your ALL CAPITALIZED NAME

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The practice of Law CAN NOT be licensed by any state/State.” (Schware v. Board of Examiners, 353 U.S. 238, 239) U. S. Supreme Court

According to Common Law Trust Solutions,

“The practice of Law is AN OCCUPATION OF COMMON RIGHT.” (Sims v. Aherns, 271 S.W. 720 (1925))

The “CERTIFICATE” from the State Supreme Court:

ONLY authorizes, to practice Law “IN COURTS” as a member of the STATE JUDICIAL BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT Can ONLY represent WARDS OF THE COURT, INFANTS, PERSONS OF UNSOUND MIND (SEE CORPUS JURIS SECUNDUM, VOLUME 7, SECTION 4.)

A “CERTIFICATE” is not a license to practice law as an occupation, nor to do business as a law firm. The B.A.R. is a non-governmental private association.

The “STATE B.A.R.” card is not a license!!! it is a “union dues card.” ”the “b.a.r.” is a “professional association,” as any union like the actors union, or painters union. no other association, even doctors, issue their own license. all are issued by the state. They are the “London Lawyers’ Guild” in CITY OF LONDON and found by Congress to be a “Communist Organization.” It turns out that Congress wasn’t wrong, it wasn’t stating the greater of the truths. The B.A.R. is a Pirate Ghost Ship.

The “STATE OF…” B.A.R. is an unconstitutional monopoly, an illegal, “Continuing Criminal Enterprise,” in violation of Article 2, Section 1, Separation of Powers clause of the U.S Constitution. There is NO POWER OR AUTHORITY for joining of Legislative, Judicial, or Executive branches within a state as the B.A.R. is attempting. “B.A.R.” members have invaded all branches of govt. & are attempting to control de jure governments as agents of a foreign entity!

A great fraud & conspiracy has been perpetrated on the people of America. The American Bar Association/ABA is an offshoot from London Lawyers’ Guild and was established by people with invasive monopolistic goals in mind. In 1909 they incorporated this TRAITOROUS group in the state of Illinois & had the State Legislature (which was under the control of lawyers) pass an unconstitutional law that only members of this powerful union of lawyers, called the “ABA,” could practice law & hold all the key positions in law enforcement & the making of laws. At that time, Illinois became an outlaw state, & for all practical purposes, they seceded from the United States of America.

The biggest part of this is to conceal from the people that all their Statutes, Codes, Rules, Regulations, Policies, Procedures, and even your mortgage fraud, yes the fraud, is copyrighter, patented, and with your approval [!?!]. It’s NOT A LICENSE! It’s all about privileges in a very private corporation called “STATE OF…” “STATE OF VIRGINIA” is a franchise/subdivision of UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 4, DBA, and not to be confused with the Republic, or Virginia, which is a State.

CAPITIS DIMINUTIO MAXIMA – ALL CAPS – THE VOICE OF THE DEAD -CORPORATIONS – “STATE OF…” – JOHN. H. DOE

In Roman law, A diminishing or abridgment of personality. Tills was a loss or curtailment of a man’s status or aggregate of legal attributes and qualifications, following upon certain changes in his civil condition. It was of three kinds, enumerated as follows: Capitis diminutio maxima. The highest or most comprehensive loss of status. This occurred when a man’s condition was changed from one of freedom to one of bondage, when he became a slave. It swept away with it all rights of citizenship and all family rights. Capitis diminutio media. A lesser or medium loss of status. This occurred where a man lost his rights of citizenship, but without losing his liberty. It carried away also the family rights. Capitis diminutio minima. Tile lowest or least comprehensive degree of loss of status. This occurred where a man’s family relations alone were changed. It happened upon the arrogation of a person who had been his own master, (sui juris,) or upon the emancipation of one who had been under the patria potestas. It left the rights of liberty and citizenship unaltered. See Inst. 1, 1G, pr.; 1, 2, 3; Dig. 4, 5, 11; Mackeld. Rom. Law. Law Dictionary: What is CAPITIS DIMINUTIO? definition of CAPITIS DIMINUTIO (Black’s Law Dictionary)

The “B.A.R. ASSOCIATION” sent organizers to all the other states & explained to the lawyers there how much more profitable & secure it would be for them, as lawyers, to join this union & be protected by its bylaws & cannons. They issued to the lawyers in each state a charter from the Illinois organization. California joined in 1927 & a few reluctant states & their lawyers waited until the 1930’s to join when the treasonous Act became DE FACTO & the Citizen’s became captives.

The people were ATTORNED over to serve the Crown as U.S. citizen slaves. This is enticement to slavery and/or “press-ganging.” Debt slaves are held as surety for the debt by the B.A.R.

Under this system, the lawyers could guarantee prejudged decisions for the privileged class against the lower class. This was all made possible by the AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION to favor the right & have unlawfully substituted them in place of Constitutional Laws. The Constitution was written in plain English and the Statutes passed by Congress were also in plain English, with the intent of Congress how each law should be used & not the opinions of various Judges as the codes list. Any normal person can read the Constitution & Statutes & understand them without any trouble.

The “public” in California was shocked to learn that the State Government has no control or jurisdiction over the B.A.R. Assoc. or its members. The state does not accredit the law schools or hold B.A.R. examinations. They do not issue state licenses to Lawyers. The B.A.R. Association accredits all the law schools, holds their private examinations & selects the students they will accept in their organization & issues them so-called license but keeps the fees for themselves. The B.A.R. is the only one that can punish or “disbar” a Lawyer.

They also select the Lawyers that they consider qualified for Judgeships & various other offices in the State. Only the B.A.R. Association, or their designated committees, can remove any of these lawyers from public office. The State Legislature will not change this system as they are also a designated committee of the B.A.R. On August 21, 1984, Rose Bird, Chief Justice of the California State Supreme Court, another of the B.A.R. Associations Judicial Committee’s, stated in essence, that the B.A.R. should determine the legality of all initiatives before they were allowed to go on the ballot. They’re like an underground tide, sneaking in, every day, as undercover of the dark, creeping and intertwining and invading every process into their tentacles of presumption to control America. In no uncertain terms, the B.A.R. is really a subversive and malignant cancer to America as well as the enemy of the people. Quite often, the Chairman of House and Senate “Judiciary” Committees are Crown Temple B.A.R. Attornies. Did you elect an Agent of the Crown for your “STATE OF…?”

This is contrary to both State & Federal Constitutions, as well as the Laws of this Nation instituted “By & For the People” as a Sovereign UNITY of Independent States of We The People, not a fraudulent Corporate entity of Lawyers. This is a tremendous amount of power for a PRIVATE union that is incorporated & headquartered in Illinois to hold over the “Citizens of California” or any other state. The only recourse is through this initiative process & vote by the people for the State, so do NOT vote for Crown Temple B.A.R. Agents. Avoid the deception. You don’t know any Attorneys who aren’t sworn to the Crown, because if they aren’t, they’d be telling you what you’re reading in this missive.

After the “Founding Fathers,” (founders of the debt charter for the King) had formed the bankruptcy document called the Constitution, outlining the laws as to the way our “govt.” was to be run, Thomas Jefferson said, in essence, “This proves that plain people, if given the chance, can enact laws & run a “government” as well as or better than royalty & the blue bloods of Europe.” The American people must stop thinking that lawyers are better than they are & can do a better job than they can before the courts of America.

Under the Common Law & the Laws of America, nowhere is it expressly given for anyone to have the power or the right to form a Corporation. “Corporations” are given “birth” because of ignorance on the part of the American people and are operating under implied consent & power which they have usurped & otherwise stolen from the people. By right and law they have NO power, authority, or jurisdiction, and must be put out of business by the good Citizens of America in their fight for freedom.

The Constitution GUARANTEES to every state in this union a REPUBLICAN form of government. Any other form of government is FORBIDDEN. No public officer or branch of government can be limited to a RULING CLASS of any kind, or the states become ARISTOCRACIES and NOT Republics. Also, the lawyers have made themselves First Class Citizens, where many public offices and branches of government are open to lawyers only. Why? Because it’s not a “government.” They’re operating a government over the District of Columbia, and extending their jurisdiction over the Crown Territory in the Treaty of Paris/Peace. It’s one thing for them to be enforcing corporate policy, but they have suckered Americans into their jurisdiction so they can rob their energy by way of massive taxes, and enslavement.

ALL OTHER PEOPLE ARE LIMITED TO ONLY TWO BRANCHES OF THIS TWISTED FORM OF GOVERNMENT, AND ONLY TO CERTAIN OFFICES IN THOSE TWO BRANCHES OF GOVERNMENT, MAKING ALL PEOPLE WHO ARE NON-LAWYERS INTO SECOND CLASS SUBJECT CITIZENS.

When the courts belong to the people, as the United States Constitution REQUIRES, (Art. IV, § 4, we the people, will NEVER rule against themselves.) In these unconstitutional foreign tribunals “courts” (hoodlum centers), “men” in black dresses, that are unconstitutional ROBES OF NOBILITY. (Art. 1, §§ 9 & 10) dispense a perverted ideology, where the people are terrorized by members of the BLACK ROBE CULT (B.A.R. Lawyers and Lawyer judges in the courtrooms).

The real cause for the War of 1812, FOREIGN AGENTS with TITLES: Article XIII “If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, or retain any title of nobility or honour, or shall without the consent of Congress, accept and retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever, from any Emperor, King, Prince, or foreign Power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under them, or either of them.”

The legislative branch of government does NOT have the Constitutional Power to issue Court Orders or any other kind of Orders to the people, as a “fiction court” or a “court/corporation for profit & gain” cannot reach parity with a lawful man. ONLY Presidents & Governors have the Constitutional Power to grant PARDONS, but Lawyers and Lawyer-Judges are unconstitutionally granting PARDONS with “immunity from prosecution.” This is not really what’s commonly known as “legislating from the bench.” It’s Administrating from the bench, because the de facto is not a constitutional government at all. It’s an Executive/Administrative, Martial Law Rule Military Tribunal. They’re Bankers. They’re Brokers. People CAN and SHOULD prosecute them because we are not Crown Subjects. We are State Citizens, and not responsible for their fictitious corporate Monopoly Game, even if they wish to coerce us into the OFFICE OF THE PERSON.

Citizens are not permitted to act like people in the courts. The Citizen (2nd class) is told that he does not know how to fill out fancy lawyer forms; that he is not trained in the law; that he does not know court rules and procedures; etc… This is unconstitutional “lawyer system,” only HEARSAY SUBSTITUTES (lawyers) NOT under oath, have access to the fiction/for profit & gain courts, even though ONLY sworn testimony & evidence can be presented in court. Anything else is “Bill of Attainder,” NOT permitted under the U.S. Constitution (Article 1, Sections 9 & 10).

The U.S. Constitution does NOT give anyone the right to a lawyer or the right to counsel, or the right to any other hearsay substitute. The 6th Amendment is very specific, that the accused ONLY has the right to the ASSISTANCE of counsel and this assistance of counsel can be anyone the accused chooses without limitation. Only a STATE EMPLOYEE/U.S. citizen can be forced into having a B.A.R. Attorner because the U.S. citizen is a DEAD entity, with no standing in Law, as the INCOMPETENT IMBECILE/WARD OF THE STATE. This is not a joke.

Lawyers and Lawyer/Judges created unconstitutional “lawyer system” of pre-trial “motions” and “hearings” to have eternal extortionistic litigations, which is BARRATRY and also is in violation of the U.S. Constitution, and Art. 1, as this places defendants in double jeopardy a 100x over. Defendants only have a right to a trial, not trials. When a criminal is freed on a technicality, he is freed because of a fix and a pay-off, as a defendant can only be freed if found innocent by a “jury” not by any “technicality.”

Whenever a lawyer is involved in a case directly or indirectly, as a litigant or assisting in counsel, all Lawyer/Judges have to disqualify themselves, as there cannot be a constitutional trial & also there would be a violation of the conflict of interest laws, along with the violation of separation of powers and checks and balances, because “officers” of the court are on both sides of the bench.

These same Lawyer/Judges are awarding or approving Lawyer/Attorner fees, directly & indirectly, amounting to billion of dollars annually, all in violation of conflict of interest laws. As long as there are lawyers, there will never be any law, Constitution or Justice. There will only be MOB RULE, RULE BY A MOB OF LAWYERS. Remember, you are not a CORPORATION, or a DEAD entity, PERSON/U.S. citizen, so make sure you do NOT act like one.

Case “law” (history, not law) is unconstitutional: As case “law” is enacted by the judicial branch of government . When a Lawyer/Judge instructs, directs, or gives orders to a jury, the Lawyer-Judge is TAMPERING WITH THE JURY. He also tampers with testimony when he orders the answers to be either “Yes” or “No.” The Lawyer-Judge also tampers, fixes, & rigs the trial when he orders anything stricken from the record, or when he “rules” certain evidence & the truth to be inadmissible.

This makes the trial and transcript fixed and rigged, because the jury does not hear the real truth and all the facts. Juries are made into puppets by the Lawyers and Lawyer/Judges. All Lawyers are automatically in the judicial branch of government, as they have the unconstitutional TITLE OF NOBILITY (Article 1, Section 9 & 10), “Officer of the Court.” Citizens have to be elected or hired to be in any branch of government, but non-lawyer Citizens are limited to only two of the three branches of government. Lawyers, as First Class citizens, can be hired or elected to any of the three branches of government. Again, in violation of the Constitution and additionally and specifically again in Article XIII.

They’re not just doing this to corporations. They’re doing this to people, which seriously means that every “Judge” who does exactly this, and they almost all do, is a most loathsome of characters. Anyone with a reasonable mind can see that B.A.R. Attorners/Lawyers/Judges are truly despicable people with big smiles, who are nice to their friends and families sometimes, but in reality, they’re criminal bastards, and that’s an understatement. Piracy is to be punishable by death.

Lawyers, “Officers of the Court,” in the Judicial Branch, are unconstitutionally in two branches of government at the SAME TIME whenever they are hired or elected to the executive or legislative branches. This is a violation of the separation of powers, checks & balances, and the conflict of interest laws. District Attorneys & State’s Attorneys have taken over the Grand Juries FROM the people, where the people are denied access to the Grand Juries when they attempt to present evidence of crimes committed in the courtrooms by the lawyers & lawyer-judges. This can be explained very easily! A State/Republic has a Constitution, but nowhere in many is the provision for a County Attorney to be in the Crown Temple B.A.R., but the B.A.R. Attorners who get themselves elected, then produce baseless Legislation requiring the County Attorner to be a member of the B.A.R. This is one of the greatest usurpations and treasonous acts that these criminals could do to the people because the County Attorney makes the presentments to the Grand Jury. This is how the Chief Justice of the STATE OF…, the CORPORATION, wrests control of the Grand Jury away from the people. Also, this is how the despicable B.A.R. brings/coerces COMMERCIAL CODE upon living men, although they’re foreclosed from parity with the tangible/living. Again, these are criminal pirates, robbing you of your rights, sweat, land, property, family, and life.

The U.S. Constitution, being the Supreme Fundamental Law, is not and cannot be ambiguous as to be interpreted, or it would be a worthless piece of paper & we would have millions of interpretations (unconstitutional amendments) instead of the few we have now. That is why all Judges and public servants are SWORN TO SUPPORT the U.S. Constitution, NOT interpret it.

Beyond their arrogant crimes of “interpreting” law, they change the form of language to “Legalese” which is word magic with God’s Law, the Word. Definition : “Legal: the undoing of God’s law.” 1893 Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, Encyclopedia Britannica, a dictionary of arts, sciences and general literature / The R. S. Peale 9th 1893

Under International Orders: All Lawyers, whether they left law school yesterday or 50 years ago, are EXACTLY THE SAME. All Lawyers have to file the same motions/pleadings and follow the same procedures in using the same unconstitutional “Lawyer system.” In probate, the Lawyers place themselves in everyone’s will & estate. When there are minor children as heirs, the Lawyer-Judges appoint a lawyer (a child molesting Fagin) for EACH CHILD and, at times, the Lawyer fees EXCEED the total amount of the estate. If you’re paying attention, you’re seeing that the B.A.R. Attorners are robbing your family, even to the point of kidnapping them from you. This is press-ganging at it’s most filthy, and is punishable by death. Can you see why the Crown Temple B.A.R. wishes to keep themselves out of jurisdiction of the people under Common Law? It’s because they could and should be hanged for their Shang Hai enslavement.

An outrageous amount of tax “money” is directly & indirectly STOLEN by Lawyers. Money that is budgeted to County/City/Borough Boards, School Boards & other local & Federal agencies eventually finds its way into the pockets of lawyers, as ALL of these agencies are “tricked” & “forced” into eternal “extortionists” litigation, also they rob everything and everyone vis the theft of all the elastic currency created by these municipalities. This can be found in the Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports/ CAFR records. To see the privacy and fraud, visit www.cafr1.com

In the STATES OF ALASKA AND HAWAII, the Crown Temple B.A.R. ASSOCIATION. has mandated that all judges are to be licensed to practice law (e.g. Alaska Constitution, Art. IV, Sec. 4). This license requirement is not found in any other state of the Union. As all licenses to practice law in the STATES OF ALASKA & HAWAII are issued by a Judge, what Judge is qualified to issue a license to practice law to another Judge? As only members of the B.A.R. may be licensed to practice law (e.g. A.S. 08.08.020), STATES OF ALASKA AND HAWAII judges are unlawfully REQUIRED to be members of the B.A.R. & as such, they are prejudiced to do the business of the B.A.R. If a Judge is required to be a member of the B.A.R., who disqualifies the Judge from office if that Judge does not pay the dues or violates the rules of the B.A.R? Every state in the Union (with the exception of Alaska & Hawaii) “prohibits” Judges from holding licenses to practice law.”

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SUMMARY OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE

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1.       Balanta govern by common consent, recognizing “natural law” and reflecting their Great Belief spirituality.

2.       Mesintu violate natural law and Great Belief by instituting Cult of Horus at Edfu and establishing the earliest form of ecclesiastical law/jurisdiction

3.       Middle Kingdom Egypt violates natural law by establishing seru, kenbet and djadjat courts.

4.       Romans violate natural law by establishing ius civile Quiritium (Roman civil law)

 

5.       English violate natural law by establishing English common law

 

6.       The Church violates natural law by establishing canon law.

 

7.       Balanta defined as “extra ecclesiam” under canon law.

 

8.       Pope Innocent IV acknowledges that the law of nations had supplanted natural law in regulating human interaction, such as trade, conflict, and social hierarchies. Similarly, the prince replaced the father, as the ‘lawful authority in society’ through God’s provenance, manifesting his dominium in the monopoly over justice and sanctioned violence.

 

9.       Since the pope’s jurisdiction extended de jure over infidels (i.e. extra ecclesiam), he alone could call for a Christian invasion of an infidel’s domain. Even then, however, Pope Innocent IV maintained that only a violation of natural law could precipitate such an attack. By adhering to the beliefs of their gods, infidels and pagans did not violate natural law. Thus, such beliefs did not provide justification for Christians to simply invade non-Christian polities, dispossess its inhabitants of their territory and freedom, or force them to convert. Pope Innocent IV’s theological contribution resided in the fact that he accorded pagans and infidels dominium and therefore the right to live beyond the state of grace. However, The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, stated,

we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude, and to apply and appropriate realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, possessions and goods of this kind to you and your use and your successors the Kings of Portugal.”

10.   Portugal’s invasion of Balanta territories violated natural law; violated canon law, violated the right of dominion of extra ecclesiam, violated the law of nations and was a breach of the principle of terra nullius (land that is legally deemed to be unoccupied or uninhabited) AT THE TIME OF INVASION.

 

11.   Portuguese acts of warfare in the territory of the Balanta violated the ius gentium to enslave a defeated population because , the Portuguese do not act in accordance to existing definitions of conquest and Balanta never practice slavery, and thus could not be party to any legal code regarding slavery that depended on “reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct.”  Balanta found such conduct – slavery-unreasonable and abhorrent.

 

12.   Portuguese violated natural law by equating status with sovereignty and then refusing to recognize that for the Balanta, the family is the sole effective social and political unit and thus sovereignty rested with the head of the family. Thus, the Portuguese wrongfully determined that Balanta were rootless and sovereignless and thus eligible for enslavement according to their own definitions and legal code.

 

13.   The English, Portuguese and Spanish Christian rulers violate natural law by contriving new forms of personhood called “corporations” subject to fictitious corporate or statutory laws while at the same time designating some groups, including the Balanta, as corporate-less beings with no protective shield of a culturally sanctioned corporate status. Christian authorities could compel corporate-less beings to adhere to Christian laws and customary norms thereby forsaking their own legal traditions and customs.

 

14.   The English violated natural law, the law of nations, and the Treaty of Tordesillas when they invaded the territory of the Balanta.

 

15.   The Portuguese and the English violated natural law by issuing charters and forming charter, proprietary and royal colonies to establish jurisdiction in the Americas.

 

16.   Every “slave code” in the America is thus intended to remove the Balanta identity and knowledge of the Balanta natural law culture and replace it with the corporate-less collective “strawman” identity designated as “negro” and “slave” and the individual “strawman” identity that is registered via a birth certificate so that Balanta will only know his rights, duties and responsibilities as defined by the corporation(s). For example, the Lords Proprietors made certain that the Negro’s status was fixed and distinctive. Carolina’s Fundamental Constitutions, drafted in 1669, stated explicitly,

“(Article 101) Every Freeman of Carolina shall have absolute Authority over his Negro Slaves, of what opinion or Religion soever.”

 All the slave codes, however, had certain provisions in common. In all of them the colour line was firmly drawn, and any amount of African heritage established the race of a person as black, with little regard as to whether the person was slave or free. The status of the offspring followed that of the mother, so that the child of a free father and a slave mother was a slave. This is the reason for the birth certificate - it is the mechanism that establish’s an individual’s classification/status in American law.

17.   Only 22% of Balanta held in captivity in Cacheu were adult males. That means that the vast majority of Balanta that were captured were women and children. Thus, the majority of Balanta that were brought to the Americas had never completed their Balanta age-grade initiations which is described as “opening the doors’ of maturity and wisdom in the Balanta community.” Never having been initiated in the Balanta legal culture, and suffering the brainwashing of the Portuguese and English criminals through a systematic campaign of terrorism, within two generations Balanta lost all knowledge of their natural law way of life. This was done intentionally to keep them mentally enslaved by identifying themselves through the perspective of corporate statutory designations such as “negro”, “black”, and “citizen” with an onerous amount of restrictions, penalties, punishments and fines in violation to their fundamental freedoms of choice and action under natural law.

Index of Federal Slave Codes

 

18.   The fundamental legal question facing the Balanta is this: did the 14th amendment release them from any corporate or statutory legal jurisdictions and return them to their previous status that was governed by natural law? Will the United States Government recognize this? The issue has been put forward thusly:

 

US SPONSORED PLEBISCITE FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN SELF DETERMINATION

 

No African who was taken captive and transported against his will to the Americas ever renounced their tribal identification and status vis-à-vis their original "citizenship". From 1444 up until Emancipation, all Africans held in slavery were not considered citizens of in the country of their captivity. The legal status of Africans in America after the Emancipation is undetermined. According to Imari Abubakari Obadele (founder of the Republic of New Africa):

"We are not American citizens... the Fourteenth Amendment, in an attempt to bestow citizenship upon the African newly freed from slavery, incorporated the rule of jus soli, 'all persons born or naturalized in the United States and of the state wherein they reside.' A sound principle of international law, the rule of jus soli was obviously intended to provide American citizenship for persons born in the United States through what might be termed 'acceptable accidents' of birth. Thus, a person born in the US as a result of his parents' having come to this country voluntarily -- through emigration and settlement or vacation travel or business -- could not be denied citizenship in the country of his birth. He might have dual citizenship, gaining also the citizenship of his parents, but he could not be left with no citizenship. His birth in the US under such conditions would meet the test of an "acceptable accident."

By contrast, however, the presence of the African in America could by no stretch of justice be deemed 'an acceptable accident' of birth. The African, whose freedom was now acknowledged by his former slavemasters through the Thirteenth Amendment, was not on this soil because he or his parents had come vacationing or seeking some business advantage. Rather the African -- standing forth now as a free man because the Thirteenth Amendment forbade whites (who had the power, not the right) to continue slavery -- was on American soil as a result of having been kidnapped and brought here AGAINST his will.

What the rule of jus soli demanded at this point -- at the point of the passage of the slavery-halting Thirteenth Amendment -- was that America not deny to this African, born on American soil, American citizenship -- IF THE AFRICAN WANTED IT. This last condition is crucial: the African, his freedom now acknowledged by persons who theretofore had wrongfully and illegally (under international law) held him in slavery by force, was entitled as a free man to decide for himself what he wanted to do -- whether he wished to be an American citizen or follow some other course.

The rule of jus soli, in protecting the kidnapped African from being left without any citizenship, could operate so far as to impose upon America the obligation to offer the African (born on American soil) American citizenship; it could not impose upon the African -- a victim of kidnapping and wrongful transportation -- an obligation to accept such citizenship. Such an imposition would affront justice, by conspiring with the kidnappers and illegal transporters, and wipe out the free man's newly acquired freedom.

Thus, the Fourteenth Amendment is incorrectly read when its Section One is deemed to be a grant of citizenship: it can only be an offer. The positive tone of the language can only emphasize the intention of the ratifiers to make a sincere offer. On the other hand, the United States government, under obligation to make the offer. also had the power to create the mechanism – a plebiscite-- whereby the African could make an informed decision, an informed acceptance or rejection of the offer of American citizenship. Indeed, Section Five of the Fourteenth Amendment makes clear that Congress could pass whatever law was necessary to make real the offer of Section One. (Section Five says, 'The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.)

The first 'appropriate legislation' required at that moment -- and still required - was that which would make possible for the now free African an informed free choice, an informed acceptance or rejection of the citizenship offer.

Let us recall that, following the Thirteenth Amendment, four natural options were the basic right of the African. First, he did, of course, have a right, if he wished it, to be an American citizen. Second, he had a right to return to Africa or (third) go to another country -- if he could arrange his acceptance. Finally, he had a right (based on a claim to land superior to the European's, sub- ordinate to the Indian's) to set up an independent nation of his own.

Towering above all other juridical requirements that faced the African in America and the American following the Thirteenth Amendment was the requirement to make real the opportunity for choice, for self-determination. How was such an opportunity to evolve? Obviously, the African was entitled to full and accurate information as to his status and the principles of international law appropriate to his situation. This was all the more important because the African had been victim of a long-term intense slavery policy aimed at assuring his illiteracy, dehumanizing him as a group and depersonalizing him as an individual.

The education offered him after the Thirteenth Amendment confirmed the policy of dehumanization. It was continued in American institutions . . . for 100 years, through 1965. Now, again following the Thirteenth Amendment, the education of the African in America seeks to base African self-esteem on how well the African assimilates white American folk-ways and values Worse, the advice given the African concerning his rights under international law suggested that there was no option open to him other than American citizenship. For the most part, he was co-opted into spending his political energies in organizing and participating in constitutional conventions and then voting for legislatures which subsequently approved the Fourteenth Amendment. In such circumstances, the presentation of the Fourteenth Amendment to state legislatures for whose members the African had voted, and the Amendment's subsequent approval by these legislatures, could in no sense be considered a plebiscite.


The fundamental requirements were lacking: first, adequate and accurate information for the advise given the freedman was so bad it amounted to fraud, a second stealing of our birthright; second, a chance to choose among the four options: (1) US citizenship, (2) return to Africa, (3) emigration to another country and (4) the creation of a new African nation on American soil.

On the other hand, the United States government still has the obligation under Section Five of the Fourteenth Amendment to ‘enforce' Section One (the offer of citizenship) in the only way it could be rightfully 'enforced' -- by authorizing US participation in a plebiscite. By, in other words, a reference to our own will, our self-determined acceptance or rejection of the offer of citizenship. There are further important ramifications. A genuine plebiscite implies that if people vote against US citizenship, the means must be provided to facilitate whatever decision they do make. Thus, persons who vote to return to Africa or to emigrate elsewhere must have the means to do so. . . .

Now then, we repeat: an obvious and important ramification of the plebiscite is that there must exist the capability of putting its decisions into effect. If the decision is for US citizenship, then that citizenship must be unconditional. If it is for emigration to a country outside Africa, those persons making this choice must have transportation resources and reparations in terms of other benefits, principally money, to make such emigration possible and give it a reasonable chance of success. If the decision is for a return to some country in Africa, the person must have those same reparations as persons emigrating to countries outside Africa PLUS those additional reparations necessary to restore enough of the African personality for the individual to have a reasonable chance of success in integrating into African society in the motherland. If, finally, the decision is for an independent new African nation on this soil, then the reparations must be those agreed upon between the United States government and the new African government. Reparations must be at least sufficient to assure the new nation a reasonable chance of solving the great problems imposed upon us by the Americans in our status as a colonized people."

ORIGIN OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES

 

DEVELOPMENT OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE

BALANTA LAW

1.       Balanta people, as all other human beings, were born equal and with complete freedom of choice and action.

 

2.       When the ancient Balanta ancestors grew in number and began to live in the same place with other people (42,000 BC to 3,100 BC), a few restrictions were accepted by common consent, over time. These were the first “laws” in human society.

 

3.       Generally speaking, laws are rules that the people in a society believe are important enough for the society to enforce. There is a purposeful and strong connection between law and that society's morality.

 

4.       The only restrictions on Balanta people were, and still are: Balanta must not injure or kill anyone; Balanta must not steal or damage things owned by someone else; Balanta must be honest in interactions and must not swindle anyone.

 

5.       The restrictions emerged from common consent and derived from Balanta’s spiritual system called The Great Belief. Today, this is called “Natural Law”

 

6.        

 

EGYPTIAN LAW

 

7.       The Mesintu or “Followers of Horus at Edfu” were the first to violate the Natural Law and develop a new legal code based on religious principles which they kept secret. From the Mesintu, a hierarchical system of social organization developed, and a system of Egyptian law was based on the central cultural value of ma’at (harmony). At the top of the judicial hierarchy was the king, the representative of the gods and their divine justice, and just beneath him was his vizier. The Egyptian vizier had many responsibilities and one of them was the practical administration of “justice”. The vizier heard court cases himself but also appointed lower magistrates. The legal system formed regionally at first, in the individual districts (called nomes) and was provided over by the governor (nomarch) and his steward.

 

8.       By the time of the Middle Kingdom period in Egypt, the courts which administered the law were the seru (a group of elders in a rural community), the kenbet (a court on the regional and national level) and the djadjat (the imperial court). If a crime were committed in a village and the seru could not reach a verdict the case would go up to the kenbet and then possibly the djadjat but this seems a rare occurrence. Usually, whatever happened in a village was handled by the seru of that town. The kenbet is thought to have been the body which made the laws and meted out punishments on a regional (district) level as well as a national level and the djadjat made the final ruling on whether a law was legal and binding in accordance with ma’at.

 

9.       The Egyptian hierarchy system was rejected by the Balanta because of the inequality it produced.  For the Balanta, the family is the sole effective social and political unit. . . . All important decisions amongst the Balanta were, and still are taken by a Council of Elders. To become a member of the Council of Elders, the person must be initiated during the Fanado ceremony.

 

10.   Balanta people successfully lived and defended their culture governed by Natural Law from the time of their first major conflict with the Mesintu in 3200 BC and against successive persecutions from the Themehu (Libyans), the Shashu and Habiru (Hyksos), Persians, Greeks, Romans, Byzantines, Christians, Moslems, Magumi of Duguwa (Kanem) and Tumagera, Ma-Ba-U (Hausa), Soninke of Wagadu (Ghana), Tuareg (Berbers), Almoravids in Wagadu (Ghana), Keita Clan (Mali), the Sunni Dynasty (Songhay), the Askia Dynasty (Songhay), the Moors, Fulbe (Fulani coming from the west), and, by the twelfth century, the Manding of the Kaabu Kingdom during what is called The Balanta Migration Period.

 

11.   The latter part of the Ptolemaic Dynasty in Egypt is simply one long, slow, decline into chaos until the country was annexed by Rome in 30 BCE and became another province of their empire. 

 

 

ROMAN LAW

 

12.   Roman law is the legal system of ancient Rome, including the legal developments spanning over a thousand years of jurisprudence, from the Twelve Tables (c. 449 BC), to the Corpus Juris Civilis (AD 529) ordered by Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I. Roman law forms the basic framework for civil law.

 

13.   Before the Twelve Tables (754–449 BC), private law comprised the Roman civil law (ius civile Quiritium) that applied only to Roman citizens, and was bonded to religion; undeveloped, with attributes of strict formalism, symbolism, and conservatism, e.g. the ritual practice of mancipatio (a form of sale). The jurist Sextus Pomponius said, "At the beginning of our city, the people began their first activities without any fixed law, and without any fixed rights: all things were ruled despotically, by kings". It is believed that Roman Law is rooted in the Etruscan religion, emphasizing ritual. The patricians (from Latin: patricius) were originally a group of ruling class families in ancient Rome. According to Livy, the first 100 men appointed as senators by Romulus were referred to as "fathers" (Latin "patres"), and the descendants of those men became the patrician class. According to other opinions, the patricians (patricii) were those who could point to fathers, i.e. those who were members of the clans (gentes) whose members originally comprised the whole citizen body. The patricians were distinct from the plebeians because they had wider political influence, at least in the times of the early Republic. During the middle and late Republic, as this influence gradually eroded, plebeians were granted equal rights in most areas, and even greater in some. Patricians historically had more privileges and rights than plebeians. At the beginning of the Republic, patricians were better represented in the Roman assemblies, only patricians could hold high political offices, such as dictator, consul, censor, and all priesthoods (such as Pontifex Maximus) were closed to non-patricians. There was a belief that patricians communicated better with the Roman gods, so they alone could perform the sacred rites and take the auspices. This view had political consequences, since in the beginning of the year or before a military campaign, Roman magistrates used to consult the gods. Livy reports that the first admission of plebeians into a priestly college happened in 300 BC with the passage of the Lex Ogulnia, when the college of Augurs raised their number from four to nine. The distinction between patricians and plebeians in Ancient Rome was based purely on birth. Although modern writers often portray patricians as rich and powerful families who managed to secure power over the less-fortunate plebeian families, plebeians and patricians among the senatorial class were equally wealthy. As civil rights for plebeians increased during the middle and late Roman Republic, many plebeian families had attained wealth and power while some traditionally patrician families had fallen into poverty and obscurity.

 

14.   The plebeian tribune, C. Terentilius Arsa, proposed that the law should be written, in order to prevent magistrates from applying the law arbitrarily. After eight years of political struggle, the plebeian social class convinced the patricians to send a delegation to Athens, to copy the Laws of Solon; they also dispatched delegations to other Greek cities for like reason. In 451 BC, according to the traditional story (as Livy tells it), ten Roman citizens were chosen to record the laws (decemviri legibus scribundis). While they were performing this task, they were given supreme political power (imperium), whereas the power of the magistrates was restricted.] In 450 BC, the decemviri produced the laws on ten tablets (tabulae), but these laws were regarded as unsatisfactory by the plebeians. A second decemvirate is said to have added two further tablets in 449 BC. The new Law of the Twelve Tables was approved by the people's assembly. The original text of the Twelve Tables has not been preserved. The tablets were probably destroyed when Rome was conquered and burned by the Gauls in 387 BC. The fragments which did survive show that it was not a law code in the modern sense. It did not provide a complete and coherent system of all applicable rules or give legal solutions for all possible cases. Rather, the tables contained specific provisions designed to change the then-existing customary law. Although the provisions pertain to all areas of law, the largest part is dedicated to private law and civil procedure. Laws include Lex Canuleia (445 BC; which allowed the marriage—ius connubii—between patricians and plebeians), Leges Licinae Sextiae (367 BC; which made restrictions on possession of public lands—ager publicus—and also made sure that one of the consuls was plebeian), Lex Ogulnia (300 BC; plebeians received access to priest posts), and Lex Hortensia (287 BC; verdicts of plebeian assemblies—plebiscita—now bind all people).

 

 

ENGLISH COMMON LAW

 

15.   The English common law originated in the early Middle Ages in the King’s Court (Curia Regis), a single royal court set up for most of the country at Westminster, near London. Like many other early legal systems, it did not originally consist of substantive rights but rather of procedural remedies.

16.   The Anglo-Saxons, especially after the accession of Alfred the Great (871), had developed a body of rules resembling those being used by the Germanic peoples of northern Europe. Local customs governed most matters, while the church played a large part in government. Crimes were treated as wrongs for which compensation was made to the victim.

 

17.   The common law of England was largely created in the period after the Norman Conquest of 1066. The Normans spoke French and had developed a customary law in Normandy. They had no professional lawyers or judges; instead, literate clergymen acted as administrators. Some of the clergy were familiar with Roman law and the canon law of the Christian church, which was developed in the universities of the 12th century. Canon law was applied in the English church courts, but the revived Roman law was less influential in England than elsewhere, despite Norman dominance in government. This was due largely to the early sophistication of the Anglo-Norman system. Norman custom was not simply transplanted to England; upon its arrival, a new body of rules, based on local conditions, emerged. A period of colonial rule by the mainly Norman conquerors produced change. Land was allocated to feudal vassals of the king, many of whom had joined the conquest with this reward in mind. Serious wrongs were regarded mainly as public crimes rather than as personal matters, and the perpetrators were punished by death and forfeiture of property. The requirement that, in cases of sudden death, the local community should identify the body as English (“presentment of Englishry”)—and, therefore, of little account—or face heavy fines reveals a state of unrest between the Norman conquerors and their English subjects. Government was centralized, a bureaucracy built up, and written records maintained. Elements of the Anglo-Saxon system that survived were the jury, ordeals (trials by physical test or combat), the practice of outlawry (putting a person beyond the protection of the law), and writs (orders requiring a person to appear before a court. Important consolidation occurred during the reign of Henry II (1154–89). Royal officials roamed the country, inquiring about the administration of justice. Church and state were separate and had their own law and court systems. This led to centuries of rivalry over jurisdiction, especially since appeals from church courts, before the Reformation, could be taken to Rome.

 

18.   During the critical formative period of common law, the English economy depended largely on agriculture, and land was the most important form of wealth. A money economy was important only in commercial centres such as London, Norwich, and Bristol. Political power was rural and based on landownership. Land was held under a chain of feudal relations. Under the king came the aristocratic “tenantsin chief,” then strata of “mesne,” or intermediate tenants, and finally the tenant “in demesne,” who actually occupied the property. Each piece of land was held under a particular condition of tenure—that is, in return for a certain service or payment. Succession to tenancies was regulated by a system of different “estates,” or rights in land, which determined the duration of the tenant’s interest. Title to land was transferred by a formal ritual rather than by deed; this provided publicity for such transactions. Most of the rules governing the terms by which land was held were developed in local lord’s courts, which were held to manage the estates of the lord’s immediate tenants. The emergence of improved remedies in the King’s Court during the late 12th century led to the elaboration and standardization of these rules, which marked the effective origin of the common law.

19.   The pace of change in the 13th century led to the passage of statutes to regulate matters of detail. Because a significant proportion of disputes in the common-law courts were related to the occupation of land, the land law was the earliest area of law to elaborate a detailed set of substantive rules, eventually summarized in the first “textbook” of English law, Littleton’s Tenures, written by Sir Thomas Littleton and originally published in 1481. Primogeniture—i.e., the right of succession of the eldest son—became characteristic of the common law. It was designed only for knight-service tenures but was inappropriately extended to all land. This contrasted with the widespread practice on the Continent, whereby all children inherited equal shares.

20.   The unity and consistency of the common law were promoted by the early dominant position acquired by the royal courts. Whereas the earlier Saxon witan, or king’s council, dealt only with great affairs of state, the new Norman court assumed wide judicial powers. Its judges (clergy and statesmen) “declared” the common law. Royal judges went out to provincial towns “on circuit” and took the law of Westminster everywhere with them, both in civil and in criminal cases. Local customs received lip service, but the royal courts controlled them and often rejected them as unreasonable or unproved. Common law was presumed to apply everywhere until a local custom could be proved. This situation contrasted strikingly with that in France, where a monarch ruled a number of duchies and counties, each with its own customary law, as well as with that in Germany and Italy, where independent kingdoms and principalities were also governed by their own laws.

 

This early centralization also diminished the reception of Roman law in England, in contrast to most other countries of Europe after the decline of feudalism. The expression “common law,” devised to distinguish the general law from local or group customs and privileges, came to suggest to citizens a universal law, founded on reason and superior in type.

 

By the 13th century, three central courts—Exchequer, Common Pleas, and King’s Bench—applied the common law. Although the same law was applied in each court, they vied in offering better remedies to litigants in order to increase their fees.

 

The court machinery for civil cases was built around the writ system. Each writ was a written order in the king’s name issued from the king’s writing office, or chancery, at the instance of the complainant and ordering the defendant to appear in the royal courts or ordering some inferior court to see justice done. It was based on a form of action (i.e., on a particular type of complaint, such as trespass), and the right writ had to be selected to suit that form. Royal writs had to be used for all actions concerning title to land.

 

21.   Under Henry III (reigned 1216–72), an unknown royal official prepared an ambitious treatise, De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae (c. 1235; “On the Laws and Customs of England”). The text was later associated with the royal judge Henry de Bracton, who was assumed to be its author. It was modeled on the Institutiones (Institutes), the 6th-century Roman legal classic by the Byzantine emperor Justinian I, and shows some knowledge of Roman law. However, its character—as indicated by the space devoted to actions and procedure, to the reliance on judicial decisions in declaring the law, and to statements limiting absolute royal power—was English. Bracton abstracted several thousand cases from court records (plea rolls) as the raw material for his book. The plea rolls formed an almost unbroken series from 1189 and included the writ, pleadings, verdict, and judgment of each civil action. Edward I (reigned 1272–1307) has been called the English Justinian because his enactments had such an important influence on the law of the Middle Ages. Edward’s civil legislation, which amended the unwritten common law, remained for centuries as the basic statute law. It was supplemented by masses of specialized statutes that were passed to meet temporary problems.

 

Growth of chancery and equity

22.   Since legal rules cannot be formulated to deal adequately with every possible contingency, their mechanical application can sometimes result in injustice. In order to remedy such injustices, the law of equity (or, earlier, of “conscience”) was developed. The principle of equity was as old as the common law, but it was hardly needed until the 14th century, since the law was still relatively fluid and informal. It has been said that what was truly new was not equity but law. As the law became firmly established, however, its strict rules of proof (see evidence) began to cause hardship. Visible factors of proof, such as the open possession of land and the use of wax seals on documents, were stressed, and secret trusts and informal contracts were not recognized.

 

Power to grant relief in situations involving potential injustices lay with the king and was first exercised by the entire royal council. Within the council, the lord chancellor—a leading bishop—led the meetings and, probably as early as the reign of Richard II (1372–99), dealt personally with petitions for relief. Eventually the chancellor’s jurisdiction developed into the Court of Chancery, whose function was to administer equity. Much of the work concerned procedural delays and irregularities in local courts, but gradually the power to modify the operation of the rules of common law was asserted.

 

The chancellor decided each case on its merits and had the right to grant or refuse relief without giving reasons. Common grounds for relief, however, came to be recognized. They included fraud, breach of confidence, attempts to obtain payment twice, and unjust retention of property.

 

Proceedings began with bills being presented by the plaintiff in the vernacular language, not Latin; the defendant was then summoned by a writ of subpoena to appear for personal questioning by the chancellor or one of his subordinates. Refusal to appear or to satisfy a decree was punished by imprisonment. Because the defendant could file an answer, a system of written pleadings developed.

 

 

CANON LAW

 

23.   During the 12th Century, Pope Alexander III begins reforms that would lead to the establishment of “Canon Law” – ecclesiastical law laid down by papal pronouncements. Wikipedia defines Canon Law as “a set of ordinances and regulations made by ecclesiastical authority (Church leadership), for the government of a Christian organization or church and its members.” SEE NOTE BELOW

 

24.   The fifteenth-century European legal corpus, by conceding dominium to infidels and pagans, implicitly recognized a sovereign African existence that preceded the human calculus transforming subjects into captives and slaves. Based on an established corpus of thought, law, and theology configuring Christian institutional relations with non-Christians, African polities wielded legal tender in the Christian imaginary. . . .

 

25.   Even as extra ecclesiam, Guinea’s inhabitants, both infidels and pagans, had natural rights. In asserting its authority over the extra ecclesiam, who, in turn, acquired additional obligations and rights, the Church complicated matters.

 

26.   At the most elemental level, natural law acknowledged native (African) sovereignty even as Christian thought, theology, and law sanctioned the enslavement of Africans. . . . .

 

27.   Christian territorial expansion lacked a firm legal basis in canon law.

 

28.   Pope Innocent IV raised the question, ‘Is it licit to invade the lands that infidels possess, and if it is licit, why is it licit?’  What interested him was the problem of whether or not Christians could legitimately seize land, other than the Holy Land, that the Moslems occupied. Did . . . Christians have a general right to dispossess infidels everywhere?’

 

29.   Innocent acknowledged that the law of nations had supplanted natural law in regulating human interaction, such as trade, conflict, and social hierarchies. Similarly, the prince replaced the father, as the ‘lawful authority in society’ through God’s provenance, manifesting his dominium in the monopoly over justice and sanctioned violence.

 

IT IS AT THIS JUNCTURE WHERE EUROPEAN PEOPLE, THROUGH POPE INNOCENT IV DECIDED TO SUSPEND THEIR RECOGNITION OF NATURAL IN FAVOR OF WHAT THEY CALLED “THE LAW OF NATIONS.” FROM THIS MOMENT ON, GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS INSTEAD OF EACH INDIVIDUAL, NOW HAD “LAWFUL AUTHORITY” AND MONOPOLY OVER JUSTICE AND SANCTIONED VIOLENCE.

 

At this point, two different cultures, with two different legal codes, were in conflict - The Balanta and Natural Law vs. the Christian Europeans and their Canon Law/Law of Nations.

 

30.   Innocent delineated a temporal domain that was simultaneously autonomous yet subordinate to the Church.

 

31.   Laws of nations pertained to secular matters, a domain in which a significant tendency in the Church, known as ‘dualism,’ showed increasingly less interest. But in spiritual matters, the pope’s authority prevailed, since all humans were of Christ, though not with the Church. ‘As a result,’ the medievalist James Muldoon notes, ‘the pope’s pastoral responsibilities consisted of jurisdiction over two distinct flocks, one consisting of Christians and one comprising everyone else.’ Since the pope’s jurisdiction extended de jure over infidels, he alone could call for a Christian invasion of an infidel’s domain. Even then, however, Innocent maintained that only a violation of natural law could precipitate such an attack. By adhering to the beliefs of their gods, infidels and pagans did not violate natural law. Thus, such beliefs did not provide justification for Christians to simply invade non-Christian polities, dispossess its inhabitants of their territory and freedom, or force them to convert. Innocent IV’s theological contribution resided in the fact that he accorded pagans and infidels dominium and therefore the right to live beyond the state of grace. . . However, The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, stated,

we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude, and to apply and appropriate realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, possessions and goods of this kind to you and your use and your successors the Kings of Portugal.”

 

PORTUGUESE INVASION OF GUINEA

 

32.   The Portuguese constantly had to contend with theoretical and practical recognition that Guinea did not represent terra nullius (land that is legally deemed to be unoccupied or uninhabited).

 

33.   The "law of nations" was neither natural law, which existed in nature and governed animals as well as humans, nor civil law, which was the body of laws specific to a people.

 

34.   All human beings are born free (liberi) under natural law, but slavery was held to be a practice common to all nations, who might then have specific civil laws pertaining to slaves.

 

35.   In ancient warfare, the victor had the right under the ius gentium to enslave a defeated population; however, if a settlement had been reached through diplomatic negotiations or formal surrender, the people were by custom to be spared violence and enslavement.

 

36.   The ius gentium was not a legal code, and any force it had depended on "reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct."

 

37.   Slavery violated our Balanta ancestors’ Great Belief and egalitarian society. We intentionally did not form centralized state societies because of the inequality it produced. Thus, our Balanta ancestors could not have been a party to any ius gentium, the customary international law held in common among all peoples pertaining to slavery because it violated our customs. Therefore, there could be no “reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct”. Not only was slavery “illegal”, it was unfathomable to our Balanta ancestors.

 

38.   As documented in the official royal account of the Portuguese initial contact with Balanta people, Gomes Eanes de Zurara’s The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. Commissioned by the House of Avis unfolds, the Portuguese do not act in accordance to existing definitions of conquest.

 

39.   The Portuguese make no effort to contract a treaty so as to acquire a territorial claim to ‘the land of blacks.’

 

40.   The initial Portuguese encounter with the land of Guinea and Balanta people constituted chattel raids that were illegal by natural law, canon law, and the law of nations. Such raids underscore the commercial imperatives.

 

41.   The Church continued to accord infidels and pagans the right to have an existence beyond the state of grace, while consenting that those who had been legitimately enslaved could be reduced to chattel.

 

42.   The Portuguese gradually distinguished ‘Africa’ from ‘Guinea.’ In contrast to the ‘’land of the Moors’, Guinea, ‘the land of the blacks’, represented the more fertile region.

 

43.   Eventually the Portuguese rendered geographical dissimilarities into customary and ultimately juridical distinctions, separating Moors from blackamoors.

 

44.   In 1441, twenty-six years after the conquest of Ceuta, the Portuguese expedition under Antao Goncalves landed near Cabo Blanco in present-day Mauritania. Following a brief skirmish ‘in the land of Guinea’ with a ‘naked man following a camel’, the Portuguese enslaved their first Moor. . . . By their actions, the Portuguese launched the transatlantic slave trade in whose wake the early modern African diaspora emerged and in which the ‘slave’ constituted the charter subject. Through the capture of the “Mooress’, but in particular by marking her as distinct from the Moors on the basis of juridical status and phenotype, the Portuguese introduced a taxonomy that distinguished Moors from blackamoors, infidels from pagans, and Africans from blacks, sovereign from sovereignless subjects, and free persons from slaves. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese employed this human measure, formulated via a black woman’s body, so as to delineate who could be ‘legitimately’ enslaved.

 

45.   The Portuguese quickly equated status with sovereignty and the lack thereof with the legitimate enslavement of certain individuals. Though the Portuguese captured both Moors and the ‘black Mooress,’ they had already started distinguishing between sovereign ‘Moorish’ subjects and those ‘Moors,’ ‘Negros,’ and ‘black’ that they could legitimately enslave. Zurara observed that the ‘black Mooress,’ unlike the valiant yet vanquished ‘Moor,’ represented the ‘legitimately’ unfree. . . . As the Portuguese encountered more of Guinea’s inhabitants the terms ‘Black Moors’ ‘blacks,’ “Ethiops,’ ‘Guineas,’ and ‘Negroes,’ or the descriptive terms to which a religious signifier was appended such as ‘Moors. . . [who] were Gentiles’ and ‘pagans’ gradually constituted the rootless and sovereignless – and in many cases, simply ‘slaves’.

 

46.   Laws and practices shaping Church-state relations with nonbelievers in Europe set the precedent for Christian interaction with non-Christians in the wider Atlantic world.

 

 

CHARTERS

 

47.   A royal charter is a formal grant issued by a monarch under royal prerogative as letters patent. Historically, they have been used to promulgate public laws, the most famous example being the British Magna Carta (great charter) of 1215, but since the 14th century have only been used in place of private acts to grant a right or power to an individual or a body corporate.

 

48.   Charters have been used in Europe since medieval times to grant rights and privileges to towns, boroughs and cities. During the 14th and 15th century the concept of incorporation of a municipality by royal charter evolved.

 

49.   Between the 14th and 19th centuries, royal charters were used to create chartered companies – for-profit ventures with shareholders, used for exploration, trade and colonization. Early charters to such companies often granted trade monopolies, but this power was restricted to parliament from the end of the 17th century. Until the 19th century, royal charters were the only means other than an act of parliament by which a company could be incorporated

 

CORPORATE IDENTITIES AND NEW FORMS OF PERSONHOOD

 

50.   Beginning in the thirteenth century and in the context of the Reconquista, some Christian lords on the Iberian Peninsula started undermining the corporate bodies of Jews and Saracens by ordering those populations to adhere to Christian legal precepts and Iberian customary laws.

 

51.   By the thirteenth century, when the tide favored Christians, the victorious rulers displayed less willingness to respect Moorish and Jewish corporate institutions and practices. This intransigence flourished at the very moment that Castilian scholars rediscovered Roman civil law, which they codified along with their customary practices in the Siete Partidas. Following this legal transformation, the Christian monarchs continued restricting the judicial autonomy of their Jewish and Moorish subjects. In 1412, this culminated in the most draconian legislation to date when it ‘forbade Jews and Moslems alike to have their own judges. Thenceforth, their cases, civil and criminal, were to be tried before ordinary judges of the districts where they lived. Criminal cases were to be decided according to Christians custom. . . .’

 

52.   By their actions, Portuguese and Spanish Christian rulers contrived new forms of personhood. In a world defined by corporations with their accompanying rights and obligations, Jews and Moors embodied corporate-less beings that Christian authorities compelled to adhere to Christian laws and customary norms thereby forsaking their own legal traditions and customs.

 

53.   By undermining Jewish and Moorish courts, the Christian rulers redefined more than their relations to Jews and Moors.  As they dismantled the courts that had once enabled Jews and Moors to reproduce their distinctive juridical status, the Catholic sovereigns actually reconstituted the meaning of being a Jew or a Moor. Standing before Christian courts and officials whose rulings owed much to Christian ethics, the various diasporic populations – Jews, Moors, and Africans - lacked the protective shield of a culturally sanctioned corporate status.

 

54.   The main purpose of the Portuguese crown was always to exploit the Guinea trades to the highest royal advantage, but its methods varied, for different schemes were tried, according to the particular preference of the reigning king.

 

55.   Nevertheless, through all the superficial fluctuations of economic policy, we may discern a constant effort to make profit by the creation of monopolies.

 

56.   Private merchants, the subjects of soverigns who have no legal claim to Guinea, will equip ships to make the traffic in spite of papal prohibitions, Portuguese protests and threats, and the lurking dangers of the Ocean. . . .

 

57.   The events of the war with Castile had shown that, if the Guinea monopoly was to be upheld, steps must be taken to protect it. Moreover, there were signs of unwelcome activity in the ports of Flanders and England, and indications that Florentine, Genoese, English and Flemish merchants wanted to share in the gold trade. These reasons, combined with vague fears of what the future might have in store, drove the Portuguese, immediately after the return of Columbus from his first voyage of discovery to the west, to seek a confirmation of their monopoly. Their efforts were rewarded in 1493-4 by papal bulls and the Treaty of Tordesillas. . . .

 

58.   The two powers ceased, after 1494, to compete in West Africa. Nevertheless, a bilateral treaty was insufficient to deter the governments of France and England from encouraging their mariners to venture in the Guinea Traffic. . . .

 

59.   Fifty years of quiet consolidation in Guinea came to an abrupt end in 1530. . . . Portuguese merchants, thus left alone, seized the opportunity to build up a profitable trade, and Portuguese missionaries undertook the evangelization of many of the negro tribes. . . .

 

 

ENGLISH INVASION OF GUINEA

 

60.   Until 1553, the part played by Englishmen in West Africa was negligible.

 

61.   English traders henceforth made regular voyages to Guinea. The later struggles were the outcome of acts of pure aggression, perpetrated by groups of enterprising merchants and sailors in England and in France, against imperial Portugal. Dynamic interlopers assailed a static empire. . . . .

 

62.   Thus, by the law of nations and the Treaty of Tordesillas, French and English activities in Guinea and among the Balanta people were illegal.

 

63.   London merchants and Plymouth sailors now advanced religious arguments, as well as the argument of force, to support their clandestine operations in Guinea. Indeed, their operations ceased to be clandestine when Queen Elizabeth took the crown which Mary had worn so uneasily. They openly attacked the papal division of the world and declared a holy war for the liberation of the seas. . . . The catholic states in Europe were drawn together and their imperial policies coordinated.

 

64.   One of the salient features of this interaction was the association of those in high places with many of the illegal voyages to Guinea. . . . An examination of the personnel of those associated with the English voyages to Guinea reveals many highly placed officials, and demonstrates that the English government was, more than the French, definitely and openly sympathetic towards these enterprises.

 

65.   The men who were interested in Guinea clearly saw that trade, whatever its character, could be greatly facilitated by a permanent station in West Africa. The preeminence of Englishmen among the interlopers in the period from 1559 to 1571 is indicated by the fact that nearly all the contemporary projects of colonization in Guinea were of English origin.

 

LANCADOS AND AFRICAN COMPLICITY

 

66.   Europeans would have had to do business with the African ruling class through the intermediary of the Lancados. Consequently, commerce on the Upper Guinea Coast settled down into a pattern dominated by the lancados. The main business of the lancados and grumetes was slaving.

 

67.   The Portuguese government’s view of these settlers: they were Godless and would stand in the way of a Portuguese monopoly on trade from the region. Indeed, the government so feared this group that at the start of the sixteenth century it declared trading in Guinea without a license a capital offense. No person ‘irrespective of rank or station, should throw himself with the Negroes, nor under any circumstances, remain with the said Negroes, on pain of death. . . . .By the end of the sixteenth century, lancados were no longer considered outlaws. However, they continued to present problems for Portugal. On the one hand, they served as brokers for Portuguese and Cape Verdean ship captains. On the other hand, they were unconstrained by legislation prohibiting ‘interlopers’ – principally French and British ships – from trading in the region. Feeling no particular loyalty to Portugal, lancados traded with whomever they pleased, seeking the best price for their slaves and goods. . . .

 

68.   The most significant partnership was between the Europeans and the Mandinga, among the latter of whom were the principal agents of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in Upper Guinea. Many of the resident ‘Portuguese’ traders were in fact mulattos of Portuguese and Mandinga extraction. These aspects of the social situation in Upper Guinea pointed to the fact that the majority of captives were exported through the agency of the Mandinga.

 

69.   It seems that while the main purpose of the raids was to obtain captives for sale to Europeans, Mandinga rulers regarded this as a means of disciplining recalcitrant subjects who refused to pay tribute or to recognize Mandinga supremacy. This was the manner in which the issues were posed in the late eighteenth century when the Mandinga ruler of Fogny was exploiting the Banhun and Djola of the Bintang and Casamance. He demanded tribute from them, and attacked when they refused to comply, selling large numbers as slaves.

 

70.   Both the slavers and the slaveowners who dealt with these Africans invariably referred to them collectively as escravos de ley. This name was born of the fiscal arrangement by which the Iberian monarch had a one-third interest in the sale price of these slaves, but it came to mean ‘slaves of the highest quality’.

 

71.   Diversity and unpredictability fueled the wars and encouraged the raids that produced thousands of captives. On this Rio de Sao Domingos [a small tributary of the Cacheu]’ Almada wrote in the late sixteenth century, ‘there are more slaves than in all the rest of Guinea since they take them [from] these nations – Banhuns, Buramos, Cassangas, Jabundos, Falupos, Arriatas and Balantas.’ Each of these groups was located within the ria coastline and close to the frontier of the powerful and expanding interior state of Kaabu. . . . In the closing years of the century, Cacheu replaced Sao Domingos as the most important entrepot on the Rio Cacheu. . . . The town began to attract increasing numbers of lancados in large part because area Papel recognized the advantages of allying themselves with them. Thus, Papel did all they could to make lancados feel welcome and comfortable. . . .

 

72.   About 135 kilometers upriver from Cacheu, Farim was also an important port on the Cacheu. Farim sat at the ria coastline’s edge and attracted a great number of Mandinka merchants, who dubbed the town Tubabodaga, or ‘White Man’s Village.’ There lancados met with Mande-speaking traders, most of whom were from Kaabu. Connections to Mandinka at Farim were crucial to the success of lancado merchants, particularly in the seventeenth century. This was a period of expansion of both the Kaabu empire and the Atlantic slave trade. Slaves taken in Kaabu’s wars were sold to lancados at Farim and then shipped west to Cacheu, where they were put aboard vessels bound for the Cape Verde Islands and points beyond.

 

73.   The allure of European imports also drew the Papel of Bissau into the trade in slaves. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, Papel found guilty of various crimes, especially adultery, were subject to being sold to ship captains. Papel found other ways to profit from the New World’s demand for laborers. In 1605, Barreira said that a Papel chief’s son on Bissau was loath to become Christian ‘because, if he did so, he would have to give up ‘roping them in,’ that is, attacking and enslaving blacks.’ In 1686, Spanish Capuchins described how bands of Papel left the island and raided coastal communities, bringing captives back. ‘Usually,’ a Capuchin said, ‘the Papel depart in their canoes and plunder and pirate men on the shores of the sea and inland.’ Papel slavers explained that ‘they abduct men because the whites buy them.’ . . .

 

74.   The idea of commerce with the Europeans and the acceptance of the European presence did not find a universal and simultaneous welcome. Indeed, some tribes displayed chronic hostility towards the Europeans; The Djolas were in this latter category. . . . Another group, the Balantas, were so hostile that the belief was widespread among the Europeans on the coast that the Balantas killed all white men that they caught.

 

75.   The Europeans always dealt with the kings, chiefs, and nobles of the Upper Guinea Coast. . . . Each resident trader placed himself under the protection of an African ruler; and there was an understanding on mutual rights and obligations. . . .

 

 

THE 16TH CENTURY LEGAL REVOLUTION IN ENGLAND

 

76.   Throughout Europe, the 16th century was a period of considerable change in the law. In part a reaction by the learned against the law of the past—which was seen to be too dependent upon ancient Roman models or local Germanic custom—the changes usually took the form of an explicit commitment to improved procedures, above all written rather than oral. One consequence was the increased influence of universities and university-trained lawyers. In England, the old customary law applied by the central courts at Westminster was too firmly entrenched to be lightly overthrown, but even here the development of written pleadings and new, speedier remedies had a transforming effect. The aforementioned prerogative, or conciliar, courts, together with the Court of Chancery, competed with common-law courts for jurisdiction over the same cases and followed a written procedure modeled after that still being used on the Continent. Roman law and canon law were taught at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, which awarded doctorates to the practitioners in these courts.

 

77.   The Tudors made use of proclamations by the king to invoke emergency measures, to establish detailed regulations, especially on economic matters, and to grant royal charters to trading companies. Parliament passed laws of a political nature, such as those enforcing the king’s supremacy over the newly established Church of England. Statutes also regulated imports and exports, controlled farming, and defined what was unfair competition. A law of 1562–63 regulated apprenticeships and provided for annual wage fixing by magistrates in accordance with the cost of living. There were other important statutory innovations during these years. The Statute of Monopolies of 1623 confirmed that monopolies were contrary to common law but made exceptions for patentable inventions, and a statute of 1601 became the basis of the privileges enjoyed by charitable trusts.

 

78.   In 1615 King James I declared that the chancery was to retain its traditional superiority over the common-law courts, but only in areas in which its authority was well recognized. If the applicability of equity was in doubt, the common law was to be followed.

 

79.   Of extraordinary influence in the development of common law and in its dissemination to other parts of the world was the most famous of English jurists, Sir William Blackstone. He was born in 1723, entered the bar in 1746, and in 1758 became the first person to lecture on English law at an English university. His most influential work, the Commentaries on the Laws of England, was published between 1765 and 1769 and consisted of four books: Of the Rights of Persons dealt with family and public law; Of the Rights of Things gave a brilliant outline of real-property law; Of Private Wrongs covered civil liability, courts, and procedure; and Of Public Wrongs was an excellent study of criminal law. Lawyers and laymen alike came to regard it as an authoritative exposition of the law. In the following century, the fame of Blackstone was even greater in the United States than in his native land. After the American Declaration of Independence (1776), the Commentaries became the chief source of knowledge of English law in the New World.

 

 

EARLY RECORD OF ENCOUNTERS IN BALANTALAND

 

80.   1594 Earliest account of the Balantas (by name) in written records, Andre Alvares Almada, Trato breve dos rios de Guine, trans. P.E.H. Hair - “The Creek of the Balantas penetrates inland at the furthest point of the land of the Buramos [Brame]. The Balantas are fairly savage blacks.”

 

81.   1615, Manuel Alvares commented, ‘They [Balantas] have no principle king. Whoever has more power is king, and every quarter of a league there are many of this kind.’

 

82.   1618 English Company of Adventurers is chartered for trade in gold and slaves. The company builds a fort on James Island in the River Gambia to rival the Portuguese in Casamance and Guinea.

 

83.   1619 Slave traders allowed to pay crown tax directly at Cacheu and bypass the slave tax paid in the Cape Verde Islands.

 

84.   1627, Alonso de Sandoval wrote that ‘Balanta were ‘a cruel people, [a] race without a king.’

 

85.   1672 Formation of the English Royal African Company

 

86.   1676 Formation of Companhia de Cacheu, Rios e Comercio da Guine to provide taxes and slaves for the Portuguese Crown, and approve the capitao-mor, who is Antonio de Barros Bezerra and the main shareholder of the company, which failed in 1682. The individuals from Santiago and Cacheu who formed it were to reinforce Cacheu’s stockade and man it with soldiers. Duties collected on local trade and a portion of tax revenues on slave exports were to accrue to the company. . . . In 1690, a second Company of Cacheu was incorporated, and the Portuguese government negotiated an agreement to supply slaves to Spanish America. . . .

 

87.   1684 Francisco de Lemos Coelho says that much of the territory of the Balanta ‘has not been navigated, nor does it have kings of consideration.’

 

88.   1750’s Merchants of Grao Para and Maranhao (Brazil) call for an increase in its slave imports from Guinea for sugar, cotton, rice and cacao production and are authorized by the Crown to form a slave trading and commercial company.

 

89.   1776 The American Revolutionary War begins, and Americans increase imports of rice and cotton from Maranhao, which requires more slaves from Guinea. Slaves are generated as the revivalist Fula Muslims complete the formation of the Imamate of Futa Toro and bring an end to the Denianke lineage in Futa Toro.

 

90.   At no time was the concentration of wealth in the hands of members of the b’alante b’ndang (or any other group) ever so pronounced that it led to the crystallization of an elite class. Therefore, it was impossible for outside forces to gain influence over Balanta culture without direct conquest and the commitment of military resources.

 

 

 

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND “LEGAL’ JURISDICTIONS

https://study.com/academy/lesson/colonial-government-forms-charter-proprietary-royal-colonies.html

 

91.   Colonial governments assumed one of three forms: charterproprietary, or royal. Charter colonies were governed by joint stock companies, which received charters from the king and enjoyed quite a bit of self-government. Proprietary colonies were granted by the king to a proprietor or head of a proprietary family, who owned the colony by title and governed it as he saw fit. Royal colonies were controlled by the king through his representative, the royal governor.

 

92.   Charter colonies (Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts) were governed by corporations called joint stock companies. Individuals hoping to make a profit purchased stock in these companies to finance colonization. When a company had enough money, it applied to the king for a charter, which is an agreement between the monarch and a colony that lays out the rights and responsibilities of both parties. If the king granted a charter, the company recruited colonists, set up a government, and founded a colony. Charter colonies often enjoyed a higher level of self-government than other colonies. The joint stock company-controlled land distribution and took an active role in colonial government. Colonists tended to prefer this form of colonial government because of the freedom it allowed, but only Connecticut and Rhode Island were still charter colonies by the time of the American Revolution. Massachusetts had also been a charter colony for many years until the king decided he wanted more control and revoked the charter.

 

93.    Proprietary colonies (Pennsylvania, Maryland and Delaware) were granted by the king directly to an individual or family. The proprietor or head of the proprietary family governed the colony as he saw fit. Technically, he had to report to the king, but in practice, he usually had quite a bit of independence. One important proprietor was William Penn. The King of England at the time, Charles II, granted Penn the land that Penn would use to found the colony of Pennsylvania. The proprietor, who officially owned his colony by title, could make laws, grant land, collect rents and fees, establish towns, create legislative bodies and courts, and authorize churches. Colonists turned to the proprietor for leadership and justice and were usually satisfied with the results.

 

94.   Royal colonies (Virginia, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia) were directly controlled by the king, who was represented by a royal governor. Through the governor and his council, the king controlled land grants and sales, taxation, and the law. Colonists could elect their own assemblies to pass local ordinances and laws, but the royal governor had complete veto power over these assemblies and their decisions. He could even dissolve them if he chose to. Royal colonies existed for the benefit of the king, who, of course, preferred this style of colonial government above all others. Colonists, on the other hand, often became frustrated with the royal colony system and rebelled at its tight control. At the time of the American Revolution, royal colonies included Virginia, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

 

PLYMOUTH COLONY

 

95.   The first settlement in New England was Plymouth Colony. It was chartered by a group of Puritan separatists initially known as the Brownist Emigration and commonly referred to as the Pilgrims who arrived via the Mayflower in 1620 with 102 passengers. After a rough start, they were happy in Plymouth. They could practice their own form of Christianity without bothering anyone else, and they had plenty of food thanks to their friendly Wampanoag neighbors.

 

96.   The Mayflower was originally bound for the Colony of Virginia, financed by the Company of Merchant Adventurers of London, a trading company founded in the City of London in the early 15th century. It brought together leading merchants in a regulated company in the nature of a guild. In the early seventeenth century, similar groups of investors were formed to develop overseas trade and colonies in the New World: the Virginia Company (which later split into the London Company settling Jamestown and the Chesapeake Bay area, and the Plymouth Company, an English joint-stock company founded in 1606 by James I of England as a company of Knights, merchants, adventurers, and planters of the cities of Bristol, Exeter and Plymouth with the purpose of establishing settlements on the coast of North America.

Plymouth and London Company.JPG

 

The company received its royal charter from King Henry IV in 1407, but its roots may go back to the Fraternity of St. Thomas of Canterbury. It claimed to have liberties existing as early as 1216. The Duke of Brabant granted privileges and in return promised no fees to trading merchants. The company was chiefly chartered to the English merchants at Antwerp in 1305. This body may have included the Staplers, who exported raw wool, as well as the Merchant Adventurers. Henry IV's charter was in favor of the English merchants dwelling in Holland, Zeeland, Brabant, and Flanders. Other groups of merchants traded to different parts of northern Europe, including merchants dwelling in Prussia, Scania, the Sound, and the Hanseatic League (whose election of a governor was approved by Richard II of England in 1391), and the English Merchants in Norway, Sweden and Denmark (who received a charter in 1408).

 

Under the charter of 1564, the company's court consisted of a governor (elected annually by members beyond the seas), his deputies, and 24 Assistants. Admission was by patrimony (being the son of a merchant who was free of the company at the time of the son's birth), service (apprenticeship to a member), redemption (purchase) or 'free gift'. By the time of the accession of James I in 1603, there were at least 200 members. They gradually increased the fees for admission.

 

Council for New England

 

The Council for New England was the name of a 17th-century English joint stock company that was granted a royal charter to found colonial settlements along the coast of North America. The Council was established in November of 1620 and was disbanded (although with no apparent changes in land titles) in 1635. It provided for the establishment of the Plymouth Colony, the State of New Hampshire, the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the New Haven Colony, and the eventual State of Maine. It was largely the creation of Sir Ferdinand Gorges.

Some of the persons involved had previously received a charter in 1606 as the Plymouth Company and had founded the short-lived Popham Colony within the territory of northern Virginia (actually in present-day Maine in the United States). The company had fallen into disuse following the abandonment of the 1607 colony. The Council was re-established after, with support from Gorges, (1) Captain John Smith had completed a thorough survey of the Atlantic side of New England (and named it such), (2) Richard Vines over-wintered in 1616, off the Maine coast and discovered that a plague was decimating Native Americans and (3) a friendly English speaking local Native American had been placed in the most likely colonization spot.

In the new 1620 charter granted by James I, the company was given rights of settlement in the area now designated as New England, which was the land previously part of the Virginia Colony north of the 40th parallel, and extending to the 48th parallel.  In 1622 the Plymouth Council issued a land grant to John Mason which ultimately evolved into the Province of New Hampshire.

Plymouth Council.png

 

97.   Storms forced the Mayflower to anchor at the hook of Cape Cod in Massachusetts, instead of Virginia, as it was unwise to continue with provisions running short. This inspired some of the non-Puritan passengers (whom the Puritans referred to as "Strangers") to proclaim that they "would use their own liberty; for none had power to command them" since they would not be settling in the agreed-upon Virginia territory. To prevent this, the Pilgrims determined to establish their own government, while still affirming their allegiance to the Crown of England. Thus, the Mayflower Compact was based simultaneously upon a majoritarian model and the settlers' allegiance to the king. It was in essence a social contract in which the settlers consented to follow the community's rules and regulations for the sake of order and survival:

 

IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. We, whose names are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Having undertaken for the Glory of God, and Advancement of the Christian Faith, and the Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to plant the first Colony in the northern Parts of Virginia; Do by these Presents, solemnly and mutually, in the Presence of God and one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil Body Politick, for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions, and Officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony; unto which we promise all due Submission and Obedience. “

 

 

MASSACHUESETTS BAY COLONY

 

98.   But just a few years later a second Northeast colony was chartered, overwhelming Plymouth in 1628. Soon, about 400 strict, religious Puritans arrived. They were called Puritans because they felt it was their God-given duty to purify the church from the influences of Roman Catholicism. In Europe, the Puritans were actually a huge group with a lot of political influence, but a new English king was aggressively persecuting them, leading to civil war. Within a decade, 20,000 Puritans immigrated to America. Massachusetts Bay Colony had arrived. In 1630, the first wave of Puritans met up with survivors from an abandoned colony and renamed the little settlement Salem and its Governor was John Winthrop.

 

The Massachusetts Bay Colony was founded by the owners of the Massachusetts Bay Company, which included investors in the failed Dorchester Company which had established a short-lived settlement on Cape Ann in 1623. The colony began in 1628 and was the company's second attempt at colonization. It was successful, with about 20,000 people migrating to New England in the 1630s. The population was strongly Puritan, and its governance was dominated by a small group of leaders who were strongly influenced by Puritan teachings. Its governors were elected, and the electorate were limited to freemen who had been examined for their religious views and formally admitted to the local church. 

The colony was not a democracy, it was a theocracy - for the purpose of serving God and increasing His kingdom, not to let people live however they saw fit. Any challenge to the Church's authority undermined the colony's mission and all that they had worked so hard to accomplish. Any person who challenged the strict practices of their faith was literally thrown out of the colony. This would have been a death sentence to individuals in the early years.

 

COLONY OF RHODE ISLAND

 

99.   Roger Williams was one of these unlucky Puritans. He didn't agree with the practice of legally punishing citizens for breaking religious rules, and as a preacher, he taught that the land of New England rightfully belonged to the Natives, not the King or colony. In 1635, Roger Williams was convicted of teaching diverse, new and dangerous opinions. He was ordered to leave Massachusetts before the spring. But since Williams wouldn't keep his opinions to himself throughout the winter, the leaders of Salem decided to arrest him immediately and send him to England, where he was also likely to face imprisonment because of the Civil War. Instead, he fled into the wilderness alone. He was discovered in the snow, nearly frozen, by some Wampanoag. They nursed him back to health, and Chief Massasoit even gave him some land. Unfortunately, it was still inside the colonial charter, so Williams moved on yet again. This time, he purchased land from the Narragansett Indians and established a settlement he called Providence in 1636. As you might expect, his colony guaranteed wide personal and religious freedom. Roger Williams was joined by his family and twelve followers.

 

Two years later, a Massachusetts woman named Anne Hutchinson got in trouble with the church in Boston. Unusually well-educated by her father, who was a minister, Hutchinson started hosting a discussion group for women in her home to talk about the sermons they had heard in church on Sunday. But because she sometimes criticized the preachers and sometimes taught men, she came under scrutiny. At her trial and sentencing, officials told her, 'You have stepped out of your place, you have rather been a husband than a wife, a preacher than a hearer … you are banished from out of our jurisdiction as being a woman not fit for our society.' Even before her trial ended, Anne Hutchinson's family and several close friends signed a compact and agreed to leave Massachusetts. Roger Williams convinced them to come to Narragansett Bay, where they also purchased land and founded the town of Portsmouth. Hutchinson joined them after her sentencing in 1638.

A few years later, Roger Williams successfully combined Portsmouth, Providence and some other small communities into the colony of Rhode Island. 

 

CONNECTICUT AND NEW HAMPSHIRE COLONIES

100.           Back in 1636, a preacher named Thomas Hooker led some Puritans out of Massachusetts because he disagreed with how the colony limited voting rights. Hooker and his followers founded the colony of Connecticut. The following year, another group of Puritans left Massachusetts because they thought it wasn't being strict enough! Their colony, New Haven, and some other settlements were soon absorbed into Connecticut. The last of the New England colonies to be formed was New Hampshire. It was chartered by the King directly in 1679 simply because Massachusetts was growing too large.

 

101.  The northern and southern American colonies had plenty of differences, but one thing they all pretty much had in common was ancestry. Virginia, Massachusetts, Maryland, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, the Carolinas and Georgia were all founded by Englishmen, settled by people of English descent and remained under English control throughout the colonial period. This could not be said of the middle colonies (New York, Delaware, New Jersey and Pennsylvania).

 

What led to the use of slavery and the creation of different colonies?

 

102.     Virginia was started by a group of men in 1607 who wanted to get rich quick. Even through the 1620s, ¾ of Virginia's population was still male, and the goal of the colony was still money. This was achieved through large farms called plantations that planted cash crops - namely, tobacco.

But tobacco requires a lot of manpower, and Jamestown had a population problem. The birth rate was low, and the death rate was high. England had the opposite problem: there were too many people. There was not enough work, no chance to own land and no opportunity for the poor. Even some rich kids faced this dilemma, because English inheritance laws required that all property be passed to the oldest son - and England was full. The younger sons of the noblemen had plenty of money, but no land to build their own estates.

An English politician named Edwin Sandys proposed a solution called the headright system. Anyone who paid for the trip to Virginia received 50 acres. So the rich guys paid for poor people to come with them as servants. These servants were indentured to the landowner, typically for seven years. The gentlemen got the land and free workers for seven years. The lucky 15% of servants who survived their indenture had almost nothing. As a result, Sandys' system created class divisions between the 'haves' and the 'have-nots.'

A deep social divide quickly overtook Virginia. Wealthy planters owned all of the best land and controlled all of society. Though the House of Burgesses was an elected government, only landowning men could vote.

 

Bacon's Rebellion

103.     Many former indentured servants - both black and white - headed out onto the western frontier where they fought constantly with the natives. In Jamestown, the leaders ignored their pleas for help. So they took matters into their own hands. A frontier planter named Nathaniel Bacon organized a militia to take revenge on the Indians. When the governor ordered him to stop, the frontiersmen felt like the upper class had absolutely no regard for them. Bacon's army turned into a rebellion against colonial leadership. In 1676, the frontier militia marched into Jamestown, trashed the governor's home and burned the capitol. Nathaniel Bacon died of dysentery, so the rebellion fell apart. But it wasn't without consequence. To weaken the power of the lower class, the House of Burgesses granted all free white men the right to vote, dividing society along color lines. Bacon's Rebellion also helped turn planters away from indentured servitude and towards slavery.

 

MARYLAND

104.     Back in 1632, two communities dominated America: the money-hungry colony of Virginia and the Puritan refuge of Massachusetts. Civil war in England had driven thousands of Puritans to the northern colony. This same war also led a man named Cecilius or Cecil Calvert (whose title was Lord Baltimore) to start a new American colony for Catholics. He called the colony Maryland, and it resembled Virginia in many ways, including tobacco plantations, indentured servants and slave labor and high mortality. A settler in Maryland lived ten years less than someone in New England. Despite Calvert's plan, Maryland had a Protestant majority. To protect the Catholics, he approved the Act of Religious Toleration in 1649, guaranteeing political rights to anyone practicing any form of Christianity. But that same year, the king of England was beheaded and Puritans took over the English government. Within a few years, they took over Maryland and overturned that law.

 

THE CAROLINAS

105.        The Puritan government of England lasted just 11 years. The monarchy was restored and the newly crowned King Charles II decided to reward eight of his supporters by giving them a colony in 1663. The eight owners (called proprietors) named it Carolina in his honor. Like most of the American colonies, Carolina was already inhabited, but not just by Native Americans. Some former indentured servants from Virginia had migrated into the northern part of the land at least ten years before the charter was granted. The southern part was inhabited by poor farmers who had been run off of the island colony of Barbados by wealthy planters. Their crops wouldn't grow in America, but they figured out that hogs thrived with almost no overhead cost.

 

In 1670, a shipload of rich men also arrived from Barbados. They came for the same reason that rich, young men had gone to Virginia: there was just no land left for them on the island. They founded the Port of Charlestown and sold pork to Barbados in exchange for slaves.

 

Soon, Carolina's economy was transformed by the introduction of rice as a cash crop, but growing it requires specialized knowledge. When planters realized that slaves imported directly from West Africa were already skilled in growing rice, the scramble for land - and the laborers who knew how to work it - was on. By 1708, Africans became the majority of the population. The more money slaves made for their owners, the more the Southern elite were committed to slavery and its permanence.

 

By contrast, North Carolina didn't have any cash crops. But even if it did, it would've had difficulty exporting anything without a deep water port and only one river that flowed directly into the ocean. So the region attracted very few colonists from overseas. A few Welsh and Scottish immigrants settled up the Cape Fear River, but most of the northern settlers were poor farmers from other areas in search of fertile land. With greater diversity, no exports and no cash crops, North Carolina was much less committed to slavery than South Carolina. The two regions split officially in 1729.

 

GEORGIA

106.        Slaves in South Carolina learned that if they could survive the dangerous journey through the swamps, Florida promised them their freedom. Thousands of slaves attempted to escape. But Carolina also had another problem: the Spanish in Florida kept attacking them. The utopian vision of a British gentleman intervened to solve both problems. James Oglethorpe believed that even the worst people in society could succeed, given the same opportunity. So he asked the King for a charter to settle a colony of people from debtors' prison. In one stroke, the King was able to buffer South Carolina from Spanish attack and create an obstacle for escaping slaves. In 1733, more than a century after Virginia was established, the colony of Georgia was settled.

 

Oglethorpe intended for Georgia to be a utopia of hard work and social equality, so he outlawed slavery and large landholdings. As a result of these restrictions (and because England wouldn't let its debtors out of prison), Georgia attracted very few settlers, and those who did come complained constantly about their situation. Colonists started moving to South Carolina, so within two decades, Oglethorpe lifted the restrictions, and his utopia turned into a society that looked very much like South Carolina with a plantation economy based on rice.

 

 

LEGAL JURISDICTION OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES

 

General Charters

·  1492 - Priviledges and Prerogatives Granted by Their Catholic Majesties to Christopher Columbus; April 30

·  1498 - The Letters Patents of King Henry the Seventh Granted unto Iohn Cabot and his Three Sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius for the the Discouerie of New and Unknowen Lands; March 5

·  1578 - Letters Patent to Sir Humfrey Gylberte June 11

·  1584 - Charter to Sir Walter Raleigh; March 25

·  1603 - Charter of Acadia Granted by Henry IV of France to Pierre du Gast, Sieur de Monts; December 18

·  1614 - General Charter for Those who Discover Any New Passages, Havens, Countries, or Places; March 27

·  1614 - Grant of Exclusive Trade to New Netherland by the States-General of the United Netherlands; October 11

·  1619/20 - Petition for a Charter of New England by the Northern Company of Adventurers; March 3

·  1621 - Charter of the Dutch West India Company; June 3

·  1624 - Warrant for William Ussling to Establish a General Company for Trade to Asia, Africa, America and Magellanica; December 21

·  1626 - Charter of Privileges which Gustavus Adolphus Has Graciously Given by Letters Patent to the Newly Established Swedish South Company; June 14

·  1629 - Grant of Land North of the Saco River to Thomas Lewis and Richard Bonighton by the Council for New England; February 12

·  1629 - Sir Robert Heath's Patent 5 Charles 1st; October, 30

·  1634 - Royal Commission for Regulating Plantations; April 28

·  1635 - Declaration for Resignation of the Charter by the Council for New England; April 25

·  1635 - Confirmation of the Grant from the Council for New England to Captain John Mason

·  1637 - Proclamation Against the Disorderly Transporting His Majesty's subjects to the Plantations Within the Parts of America; April 30

·  1637 - Commission to Sir Ferdinando Gorges as Governor of New England by Charles ; July 23

Connecticut

·  1639 - Fundamental Orders; January 14

·  1639 - Fundamental Agreement, or Original Constitution of the Colony of New Haven, June 4

·  1643 - Government of New Haven Colony

·  1662 - Charter of Connecticut

Delaware

·  1701 - Charter of Delaware

·  1776 - Constitution of Delaware

Georgia

·  1732 - Charter of Georgia

·  1777 - Constitution of Georgia; February 5

Maine

·  1622 - A Grant of the Province of Maine to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason, esq., 10th of August

·  1639 - Grant of the Province of Maine

·  1664 - Grant of the Province of Maine

·  1674 - Grant of the Province of Maine

Maryland

·  1632 - Charter of Maryland

·  1776 - Constitution of Maryland; November 11

·  Amendments to the Maryland Constitution of 1776

Massachusetts

·  1620 - The Charter of New England

·  1620 - Agreement Between the Settlers at New Plymouth

·  1629 - Charter of the Colony of New Plymouth Granted to William Bradford and His Associates

·  1629 - The Charter of Massachusetts Bay

·  1635 - The Act of Surrender of the Great Charter of New England to His Majesty

·  1640 - William Bradford, &c. Surrender of the Patent of Plymouth Colony to the Freeman, March 2D

·  1688 - Commission of Sir Edmund Andros for the Dominion of New England. April 7

·  1691 - The Charter of Massachusetts Bay. October 7

·  1725 - Explanatory Charter of Massachusetts Bay - August 26

New Hampshire

·  1629 - Grant of Hampshire to Capt. John Mason, 7th of Novemr.

·  1629 - Grant of Laconia to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason by the Council for New England; November 17

·  1635 - Grant of the Province of New Hampshire to John Wollaston, Esq.,

·  1635 - Grant of the Province of New Hampshire From Mr. Wollaston to Mr. Mason, 11th June

·  1635 - Grant of the Province of New Hampshire to Mr. Mason, 22 April , By the Name of Masonia

·  1635 - Grant of the Province of New Hampshire to Mr. Mason, 22 Apr., By the Name of New Hampshire

·  1635 - Grant of His Interest in New Hampshire by Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Captain John Mason; September 17

·  1639 - Agreement of the Settlers at Exeter in New Hampshire

·  1641 - The Combinations of the Inhabitants Upon the Piscataqua River for Government

·  1680 - Commission of John Cutt

·  1776 - Constitution of New Hampshire

New Jersey

·  1664 - The Duke of York's Release to John Ford Berkeley, and Sir George Carteret, 24th of June

·  1664 - The Concession and Agreement of the Lords Proprietors of the Province of New Caesarea, or New Jersey, to and With All and Every the Adventurers and All Such as Shall Settle or Plant There

·  1672 - A Declaration of the True Intent and Meaning of us the Lords Proprietors, and Explanation of There Concessions Made to the Adventurers and Planters of New Caesarea or New Jersey

·  1674 - His Royal Highness's Grant to the Lords Proprietors, Sir George Carteret, 29th July

·  1676 - The Charter or Fundamental Laws, of West New Jersey, Agreed Upon

·  1676 - Quintipartite Deed of Revision, Between E. and W Jersey: July 1st

·  1680 - Duke of York's Second Grant to William Penn, Gawn Lawry, Nicholas Lucas, John Eldridge, Edmund Warner, and Edward Byllynge, for the Soil and Government of West New Jersey-August 6

·  1681 - Province of West New-Jersey, in America, The 25th of the Ninth Month Called November

·  1682 - Duke of York's Confirmation to the 24 Proprietors: 14th of March

·  1683 - The Fundamental Constitutions for the Province of East New Jersey in America

·  1683 - The King's Letter Recognizing the Proprietors' Right to the Soil and Government

·  1702 - Surrender from the Proprietors of East and West New Jersey, of Their Pretended Right of Government to Her Majesty

·  1709 - The Queen's Acceptance of the Surrender of Government; April 17

·  1712 - Charles II's Grant of New England to the Duke of York, 1676 - Exemplified by Queen Anne

·  1776 - Constitution of New Jersey

New York

·  1626 - Notification of the Purchase of Manhattan by the Dutch; November 5

·  1777 - The Constitution of New York : April 20

North Carolina

·  1663 - Charter of Carolina : March 24

·  1663 - A Declaration and Proposals of the Lord Proprietor of Carolina, Aug. 25-Sept. 4

·  1665 - Concessions and Agreements of the Lords Proprietors of the Province of Carolina

·  1665 - Charter of Carolina; June 30

·  1669 - The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina : March 1

·  1775 - The Mecklenburgh Resolutions : May 20

·  1776 - Constitution of North Carolina : December 18

Pennsylvania

·  1681 - Charter for the Province of Pennsylvania : February 28

·  1681 - Concessions to the Province of Pennsylvania - July 11,

·  1682 - Penn's Charter of Libertie - April 25

·  1682 - Frame of Government of Pennsylvania - May 5

·  1683 - Frame of Government of Pennsylvania - February 2

·  1696 - Frame of Government of Pennsylvania

·  1701 - Charter of Privileges Granted by William Penn, esq. to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Territories, October 28

·  1776 - Constitution of Pennsylvania - September 28

Rhode Island

·  1640 - Plantation Agreement at Providence August 27 - September 6

·  1641 - Government of Rhode Island-March 16-19

·  1643 - Patent for Providence Plantations - March 14

·  1663 - Charter of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations - July 15

South Carolina

·  1776 - Constitution of South Carolina - March 26

·  1778 - Constitution of South Carolina - March 19

Vermont

·  1777 - Constitution of Vermont - July 8

·  1786 - Constitution of Vermont - July 4

·  1791 - Admission of the State of Vermont - February 18

Virginia

·  1606 - The First Charter of Virginia; April 10

·  1609 - The Second Charter of Virginia; May 23

·  1611 - The Third Charter of Virginia; March 12

·  1621 - Ordinances for Virginia; July 24-August 3

 

Note: Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in its primary sense does not signify jurisdiction over ecclesiastics ("church leadership"), but jurisdiction exercised by church leaders over other leaders and over the laity.

Jurisdiction is a word borrowed from the legal system which has acquired a wide extension in theology, wherein, for example, it is frequently used in contradistinction to order, to express the right to administer sacraments as something added onto the power to celebrate them. So it is used to express the territorial or other limits of ecclesiastical, executive or legislative authority. Here it is used as the authority by which judicial officers investigate and decide cases under Canon law.

Such authority in the minds of lay Roman lawyers who first used this word jurisdiction was essentially temporal in its origin and in its sphere. The Christian Church transferred the notion to the spiritual domain as part of the general idea of a Kingdom of God focusing on the spiritual side of man upon earth.

It was viewed as also ordained of God, who had dominion over his temporal estate. As the Church in the earliest ages had executive and legislative power in its own spiritual sphere, so also it had judicial officers, investigating and deciding cases. Before its union with the State, its power in this direction, as in others, was merely over the spirits of men. Coercive temporal authority over their bodies or estates could only be given by concession from the temporal ruler. Moreover, even spiritual authority over members of the Church, i.e. baptized persons, could not be exclusively claimed as a right by the Church tribunals, if the subject matter of the cause were purely temporal.

It is customary to speak of a threefold office of the Church: the office of teaching (prophetic office), the priestly office and the pastoral office (governing office), and therefore of the threefold authority of the Church: the teaching authority, ministerial authority and ruling authority. Since the teaching of the Church is authoritative, the teaching authority is traditionally included in the ruling authority; then only the ministerial authority and the ruling authority are distinguished.

By ministerial authority, which is conferred by an act of consecration, is meant the inward, and because of its indelible character permanent, capacity to perform acts by which Divine grace is transmitted. By ruling authority, which is conferred by the Church (missio canonica, canonical mission), is understood the authority to guide and rule the Church of God. Jurisdiction, insofar as it covers the relations of man to God, is called jurisdiction of the internal forum or jurisdiction of the forum of Heaven (jurisdictio poli). (See Ecclesiastical Forum); this again is either sacramental or penitential, so far as it is used in the Sacrament of Penance, or extra-sacramental, e.g. in granting dispensations from private vows. Jurisdiction, insofar as it regulates external ecclesiastical relations, is called jurisdiction of the external forum, or briefly jurisdictio fori. This jurisdiction, the actual power of ruling is legislative, judicial or coactive. Jurisdiction can be possessed in varying degrees. It can also be held either for both fora, or for the internal forum only, e.g. by the parish priest.

Jurisdiction can be further sub-divided into ordinary, quasi-ordinary and delegated jurisdiction. Ordinary jurisdiction is that which is permanently bound, by Divine law or human law, with a permanent ecclesiastical office. Its possessor is called an ordinary judge. By Divine law the pope has such ordinary jurisdiction for the entire Church and a bishop for his diocese. By human law this jurisdiction is possessed by the cardinals, officials of the Roman Curia and the congregations of cardinals, the patriarchs, primates, metropolitans, archbishops, the praelati nullius and prelates with quasi-episcopal jurisdiction, the chapters of orders or the superior generals of orders, cathedral chapters in reference to their own affairs, the archdiaconate in the Middle Ages, and parish priests in the internal forum.

If however jurisdiction is permanently connected with an office, but the office itself is said to be quasi-ordinary, or jurisdictio vicaria. This form of jurisdiction is possessed, for example, by a vicar-general. Temporary exercise of ordinary and quasi-ordinary jurisdiction can be granted, in varying degrees, to another as representative, without conferring on him an office properly so called. In this transient form jurisdiction is called delegated or extraordinary, and concerning it canon law, following the Roman law, has developed exhaustive provisions. This development began when the popes, especially since Alexander III (1159–81), found themselves obliged, by the enormous mass of legal business which came to them from all sides as the "judices ordinarii omnium" to hand over, with proper instruction, a large number of cases to third parties for decision, especially in matters of contentious jurisdiction.

Delegated jurisdiction rests either on a special authorization of the holders of ordinary jurisdiction (delegatio ab homine), or on a general law (delegatio a lege, a jure, a canone). Thus, the Council of Trent transferred a number of papal rights to the bishops "tanquam Apostolicae Sedis delegati", i.e. also as delegates of the Apostolic See, and "etiam tanquam Apostolicae Sedis delegati", i.e. also as delegates of the Apostolic See. In the first class of cases, bishops do not possess ordinary jurisdiction. The meaning of the second expression is disputed, but it is generally taken as purely cumulative. If the delegation applies to one or several designated cases only, it is special delegation; if it applies to an entire class of subjects, it is then general delegation or delegation for the universality of causes. Delegated jurisdiction for the total of a number of matters is known as delegatio mandata. Only those can be appointed delegates who are competent to execute the delegation. For an act of consecration the delegate must have himself the necessary sacred orders. For acts of jurisdiction he must be an ecclesiastic, though the pope could also delegate a layman. Papal delegation is usually conferred only on ecclesiastical dignitaries or canons. The delegate must be twenty years old, but eighteen years suffices for one appointed by the pope. He must also be free from excommunication. Those placed under the jurisdiction of the delegator must submit to the delegation. Delegation for one matter can also be conferred upon several. The distinction to be made is whether they have to act jointly and severally (collegiately), jointly but individually (solidarily), or solidarily at least in some given case.  The delegate is to follow exactly his instructions, but is empowered to do all that is necessary to execute them. If he exceed his power, his act is null.

When necessary the delegate can himself delegate, i.e. subdelegate, a qualified person; he can do this especially if he is a papal delegate, or if he has received permission, or if he has been delegated for a number of cases. Since delegation constitutes a new court, appeal can be taken from the delegate to the delegator, and in the case of subdelegation to the original delegator. Delegated jurisdiction expires on the death of the delegate, in case the commission were not issued in view of the permanence of his office, on the loss of office or the death of the delegator, in case the delegate has not acted (re adhuc integra, the matter being still intact), on recall of his authority by the delegator (even re adhuc nondum integra, the matter being no longer intact), on expiration of the allotted time, on settlement of the matter, on declaration of the delegate that he has no power.

From the beginning of the Christian religion the ecclesiastical judge, i.e. the bishop, decided matters of dispute that were purely religious in character (causae mere ecclesiasticae). This jurisdiction of the Church was recognized by the civil (imperial) power when it became Christian. But long before this the early Christians, following the exhortation of Saint Paul (1 Corinthians 6:14), were wont to submit to ecclesiastical jurisdiction matters which by their nature belonged to the civil courts. As long as Christianity was not recognized by the State, it was left to the conscience of the individual whether he would conform to the decision of the bishop or not. Once Christianity had received civil recognition, Constantine the Great raised the former private usage to a public law. According to an imperial constitution of the year 321, the parties in dispute could, by mutual agreement, bring the matter before the bishop even when it was already pending before a civil judge, and the latter was obliged to put into effect the decision of the bishop. A further constitution of 331 provided that in any stage of the suit any one of the parties could appeal to the bishop even against the will of the others

This arbitral jurisdiction of the bishop was not recognized in the new Teutonic kingdoms. In the Frankish kingdoms, purely ecclesiastical matters of dispute belonged to the jurisdiction of the bishop, but mixed cases, in which civil interests appeared, e.g. marriage questions, lawsuits concerning Church property etc., belonged to the civil courts.

In the Middle Ages the Church succeeded in extending its jurisdiction over all matters that offered an ecclesiastical interest (causae spiritualibus annexae), all litigation concerning marriages; matters concerning burial; testaments; compacts ratified with an oath; matters pertaining to benefices; questions of patronage; litigation concerning church property and tithes. In addition, all civil litigation in which the element of sin was in question (ratio peccati) could be summoned before an ecclesiastical court.

Also the ecclesiastical court had jurisdiction over the affairs of ecclesiastics, monks and nuns, the poor, widows and orphans (personae miserabiles, the needy) and those persons to whom the civil judge refused legal redress. This far-reaching civil jurisdiction of the Church eventually overlapped the natural boundaries of Church and State. A reaction against this condition of affairs arose in England as early as the twelfth century, spread to France and Germany and gained in influence and justification the more the administration of justice by the State improved. At the end of the long vicissitudinous struggle, the Church lost its jurisdiction in res spiritualibus annexal, notwithstanding the claims of the Council of Trent,[27] also the privilege of the clergy, and finally jurisdiction in matrimonial causes as far as their civil character was concerned.

In regard to ecclesiastical jurisdiction in criminal matters, the Church exercised jurisdiction at first only in purely ecclesiastical offences, and inflicted only ecclesiastical punishments, e.g. excommunication, and in the case of clerics deposition. The observance of these penalties had to be left to the conscience of the individual, but with the formal recognition of the Church by the State and the increase of ecclesiastical penalties proportioned to the increase of ecclesiastical offences, came an appeal from the Church to the secular arm for aid in enforcing the said penalties, which aid was always willingly granted. Some offence, especially deviations from the Catholic Faith, were by the State made punishable in civil law and secular penalties were attached to them, also to certain disciplinary misdemeanours of ecclesiastics.[28] Conversely, the Church in the Middle Ages increased its penal jurisdiction in the civil domain by infliction of varied penalties, some of them purely secular in character.

Above all, by means of the privilegium fori it withdrew the so-called "criminous clerks" from the jurisdiction of the civil courts. Then it obtained for the court held by the bishop during his diocesan visitation (the send) not only the punishment of those civil misdemeanours which involved the element of sin and consequently affected both Church and State, but it also punished, and as such, purely civil offences. The penal jurisdiction of the medieval Church included, therefore, first the merely ecclesiastical offences, e.g. heresy, schism, apostasy etc.; then the merely civil offences; finally the mixed offences, e.g. sins of the flesh, sacrilege, blasphemy, (diabolical 'black') magic, perjury, usury etc.

In punishing offences of a purely ecclesiastical character the Church disposed unreservedly of the aid of the State for the execution of the penalty. When in the aforesaid send court held by the bishop during his visitation, it inflicted punishment on the civil offences of the laity, the penalty, as a rule, was enforced by the imperial count (Graf) who accompanied the bishop and represented the civil power. The principle prevailed later that an offence already punished by a secular judge was no longer punishable by the ecclesiastical judge.

When the send began to disappear, both ecclesiastical and secular judges were in general held equally competent for mixed offences. Prevention (previous adjudication of the case by one judge or the other) was decisive. If the matter were brought before the ecclesiastical judge he inflicted at the same time the civil penalty, not, however, corporal punishments such as the death penalty. If the accusation was brought before the secular judge, the civil penalty was inflicted by him and the action of the Church was limited to the imposition of a penance. The Church eventually lost by far the greater part of its criminal jurisdiction for the same reasons which, since the end of the Middle Ages, led to the loss of most of its contentious jurisdiction, and in the same manner. Moreover, from the fifteenth century on, the recursus ab abusu which first arose in France (appel comme d'abus), that is the appeal from an abuse of power by an ecclesiastical authority, did much to weaken and discredit ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

America's English-Style Legal System Evolved to Conceal Truth, Not Reveal It

EVAN WHITTON

JUNE 14, 2012

Taxpayers pay for their countries' legal systems, including the wages of law officers, judges, legal bureaucrats, regulators, police, and prosecutors. Citizens living under English-style common law legal systems (and in particular those of former colonies Australia and the United States) also increasingly sense there is something wrong with these systems. A poll taken for the Australian Reader's Digest in 2011 found that judges and lawyers are less trusted there than bus drivers, vets, police, hairdressers, or chefs.

But what exactly is wrong? Whatever it is, it seems that lawyers, including judges and academics, cannot help much; law schools generally teach what the law is, not where it came from, or what ails it, or the cure. If vet schools did that, a lot of cats and dogs would be dead, and a lot more children would be sad.

Chronology is always the first element of deduction, so perhaps an evaluation of the development of the Anglo-American legal system is in order. The following account, drawn largely from the words of more than 300 lawyers and judges over the past few millenia, suggests that the system developed in what we might classify as six stages.

1. Trickle-down extortion. English common law began in 1166. At the time, every public office was for sale; buyers in turn extorted bribes from people who dealt with the office. It seems fair to assume that judges used lawyers as go-betweens for extortions. The entire form of the law, then, evolved from an elaborate dance of bribery and manipulation; hardly a solid foundation upon which to build a society.

2. The cartel. Members of any cartel collude to increase prices and profits. As Judge Richard Posner of the U.S. Court of Appeals has said, judges and lawyers have always been a cartel. That may explain why judges have never been trained as judges; one day they are lawyers versed in sophistry -- trick questions, false arguments, etc. -- and, after either an election or political appointment, judges the next. Hence the uneasy feeling: will a ruling reflect justice, or will it be made for some other purpose? Political ideology? More business for lawyers? Power?

3. Truth rejected. Justice Russell Fox, who researched the law for 11 years after he retired from the Australian Federal Court, said that justice means fairness; fairness and morality require a search for the truth; truth means reality. Judges in England rejected a truth-seeking (inquisitorial) system in 1219. That partly explains why our system can at its worst be unfair, unjust, unreal, and immoral; truth often takes a back seat to process and form.

Continental European countries adopted an inquisitorial system after a church-state conference in November 1215, but of course their judges perverted justice in a different way; for more than five centuries, they believed torture to be a reliable method of finding the truth.

4. The civil adversary system. The system dates back to 1460, when judges began to let lawyers take control of pleadings. Comparing Napoleon's reformed inquisitorial system with the adversary system would dismay our taxpayers. In France, trained judges are in charge of evidence and questioning witnesses. Paid on a fixed wage, they have little motive to prolong the process. Most hearings take a day or so.

In our system, lawyers control evidence and question witnesses. At $300-plus an hour, they have an incentive to spin the process out. The hearings process can take months or years. Untrained judges do the decent thing: they try to stay awake, often successfully. Yale law professor Fred Rodell said the system is "nothing but a high-class racket".

5. The criminal adversary system. Lawyers did not defend criminals for more than five centuries: there was no money in it. It was not until the 18th century that they began to do criminal work, and naturally took over the process.

Unfortunately for lawyers, the common law still had few tools they could use to circumvent the truth. With conviction fairly certain, the accused might be reluctant to pay for legal services, choosing instead to keep their money for when they got out. Happily, the rights of the accused were suddenly discovered.

6. Concealing evidence. Over the last 200 years, judges have invented myriad truth-defeating devices, including a few that conceal important evidence. Here are a few:

  • The "right" of silence. The rule against self-incrimination is based on a lie by the first legal academic, a charlatan named William Blackstone. It's estimated to get off about a quarter of guilty defendants.

  • Concealing context. Serial sex criminals are largely protected by a rule that conceals evidence of a pattern of criminal behavior.

  • Cross-examination. Lawyers are allowed to use sophistry to make honest witnesses look unreliable.

  • Juries. Juries let off about 25 percent of guilty defendants, according to some estimates, because jurors are confused by concepts such as "beyond a reasonable doubt."

In France, evidence is not concealed and lawyers are not allowed to use artful lies to pollute the truth. The innocent are rarely charged; 95 percent of guilty defendants are convicted. Public confidence in the system is high.

In the Anglo-American common law system, lawyers are encouraged to obfuscate the truth and use sophistry to besmirch the integrity of honest witnesses. In the U.S., it is estimated that upwards of four percent of the prison population is innocent (a staggering 80,000 people, more than double the prison population of Canada) -- with some on death row -- but more than half of guilty defendants get off.

Taxpayers clearly pay too much for too little justice. Changing to a truth-seeking system might be a remedy. This would require, at a minimum: outlawing the concealing of evidence; re-training academics to teach law students techniques of finding the truth instead of mugging up a million ways to defeat it; dismantling the professional cartel by training judges separately from lawyers; appointing six times as many judges, on the basis of rigorous examinations, and giving them back control of the process; compelling lawyers and judges to take an oath to tell the truth; having lay jurors and trial and appellate judges sit together to render their verdicts and levy penalties (if any) together.

Justice Russell Fox said the public knows that "justice marches with the truth." It's high time we tried to reunite the two.”

 

SUMMARY OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE

Timeline of American History And The Birth of White Supremacy and White Privilege in America

Late 1500’s - Wahunsenacawh, the mamanatowick (Paramount Chief) of the Powhatan people created a confederacy of 30 groups, each with a weroance (leader, commander) representing between 14,000 and 21,000 eastern Algonquian speaking peoples in an area of about 8,000 square miles called Tsencommacah (“Densely inhabited land”) inhabited by the Paspahegh people . Today that area is called Richmond, Virginia.

1585 - Wahunsenacawh discovers English immigrants illegally crossed the Tsencommacah border. As part of a scheme by Walter Raleigh and Richard Hakluyt to export England’s growing number of unemployed in order to create new markets and increase the riches of the British Crown while at the same time establishing a military base to attack Spanish settlements, Queen Elizabeth supported this early group of immigrants. To sell the idea, the true purpose was concealed and spreading Christianity to the Powhatan was promoted. By 1590, the settlement was found deserted.

1607 – The English immigrants set up a squatter’s camp along the north bank of the Powhatan River. Conflicts began immediately. The English immigrants fired gun shots as soon as they arrived. Within two weeks, the English immigrants had already killed Paspahegh people. In December, Opechancanough, the brother of Wahunsenacawh, captured the leader of 105 English immigrants while trying to illegally cross the Chickahominy River. John Smith was taken to Werowocomoco, the Powhatan capital in Tsencommacah.

1608 – In December, the English immigrants suffered through the winter and were starving. The Wahunsenacawh offered to sell them a shipload of corn in exchange for a grindstone, fifty swords, some guns, a cock, a hen, copper, beads, and some men to build him an English-style house. On December 29, Smith headed for Werowocomoco by sea with a small force planning to ambush Wahunsenacawh.

1609 – Smith arrives at Werowocomoco on January 12th. Wahunsenacawh, aware of the planned ambush, met Smith’s armed men with his own armed force. Smith and the English immigrants resisted the Werowocomoco authority and refused to disarm. Smith’s party stole the corn and traveled up the Pamunkey River. There, they held Opechancanough at gunpoint while they stole food and supplies.

1610 Illegal English immigration continued. Wahunsenacawh said, “Your coming is not for trade, but to invade my people and possess my country…Having seen the death of all my people thrice… I know the difference of peace and were better than any other Country.” Under the instruction of the London Company, Thomas Gates set out to “Christianize” the Powhatan Confederacy. Starting with the Kecoughtan people, Gates lured the Indians into the open by means of music-and-dance and then slaughtered them, initiating the First Anglo-Powhatan War in June.

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1619The human trafficking of African people began with twenty people brought to Tsencommacah by shareholders of the Virginia Company of London.

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1622 – In the Spring, an illegal English immigrant murdered the Powhatan General and Secretary of Defense Nemattanew. In response, the Powhatan Confederacy launched military raids on 31 illegal English squatter settlements along the Powhatan River. 347 illegal English immigrants were killed resisting Powhatan authority. This was the second Anglo-Powhatan War.

1624 – more than 4,000 English immigrants illegally crossed into Tsencommacah. The British Government took direct control of the illegal English squatter’s camps and designated them a royal colony of England.

1636 - Colonial North America's slave trade begins when the first American slave carrier, Desire, is built and launched in Massachusetts.

1641 - Massachusetts is the first colony to legalize slavery.

1643 - The New England Confederation of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven adopts a fugitive slave law.

1644 – Third Anglo-Powhatan War. The Manatowick Opechancanough, who was over 90 years old by this time, was captured. While a prisoner, he was shot in the back and killed by an English terrorist and gang leader assigned to guard him.

1646 – The Treaty of 1646 marks the effective dissolution of the Powhatan Confederacy.

1649 – the House of Burgesses lifts the northern border demarcating the territory reserved for English immigrants in the Treaty of 1646, resulting in a wave of new English immigrants flooding the peninsular region known as Chickagoan.

1650 - Connecticut legalizes slavery.

1657 - Virginia passes a fugitive slave law.

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1660 - Charles II, King of England, orders the Council of Foreign Plantations to devise strategies for converting slaves and servants to Christianity.

1662 – The General Assembly of the Virginia Colony passes legislation making a “mulatto’s child” status as free or slave dependent upon the condition of the child’s mother. The law permitted and encouraged the sexual violation of black women as a means of increasing plantation wealth. This law worked to render children of women of African descent human capital. Black women were thus transformed into a machine for capitalist production and the enrichment of wealthy English immigrants. The law also made English women the only possible production site of “pure” English children. A fine was also imposed for sexual intimacy outside of marriage when one party was “English or Christian” and the other party was “negro”.

1663 - Maryland legalizes slavery.

1664 – The Colonial Assembly of Maryland enacted a law that punished a woman who was “English or freeborn” who married a black slave. New York and New Jersey legalize slavery

1668 – Virginia enacts a law making free women of African descent tithable.

1670 – more and more chattel bond servants were completing their term of servitude and becoming freed tenants. This meant more competition for large landholders as freed tenants sought their own fortunes in tobacco. This posed a threat for the English authorities in Virginia. They responded to this threat by extending the years of servitude through penalties for violations such as running away, giving birth to a child or killing a hog. Another law forbids non-Europeans to be owners of Christian bond laborers. Another law was enacted whereby only landowners could vote in elections, stripping the freed tenants from voting. By this time, the poor and homeless immigrants sent by England slowed significantly, leaving a gap in the labor supply. Wealthy English immigrants looked elsewhere for labor, and the human trafficking of African people started to increase.

1676 – Discontent among laborers, both European and African, bond and free, erupted in a fight against unpaid labor and plantation elites. The leader of the rebellion, Nathaniel Bacon, and a number of his neighbors held contempt for the native Doeg people whom they blamed for the deaths of plantation owner Thomas Mathew’s two sons after Mathew refused to pay the Doeg for goods they had traded. Bacon and his group were also frustrated with the response of the English government authorities in the Virginia Colony, particularly Governor William Berkeley. On May 10, Bacon attacked the Doeg and besieged the Susquehannock. Following this, the Doeg made an alliance with the Nanzatico. While Bacon continued to attack the Doeg, other rebel groups plundered the estates of government loyalists. The threat of a united labor force to the capitalist plantation system was made clear. The governing elite decided to divide and conquer, separate one group with the authority to rule over and oppress the other. In her book, Birth of a White Nation: The Invention of White People And Its Relevance Today, Jacqueline Battalora quotes historian Gary Nash “in describing the process of imposing slavery upon persons of African descent following Bacon’s Rebellion: ‘In rapid succession Afro Americans lost their right to testify before a court, to engage in any kind of commercial activity, either as buyer or seller; to hold property; to participate in the political process; to congregate in public places with more than two or three of their fellows; to travel without permission; and to engage in legal marriage or parenthood.” According to Theodore W. Allen, the response to the rebellion was the creation of a new social status that would be a birthright of Anglos as well as Europeans in North America, a ‘white’ identity designed to set them apart from African bond laborers as well as enlist Europeans across class lines as active or passive supporters of capitalist agriculture based on chattel bond labor.’”

1681 The label “white” first appears in law. The Colonial Assembly of the Colony of Maryland passed an enactment that stated, “And for as much diverse freeborn English or White woman sometimes by the Instigacon Procurement or Convenience of their Masters Mistress or dames….do intermarry with Negroes & Slaves….” There is a switch from the 1664 legislation from the terms “English or freeborn” to that of “white” women. Battalora notes that, “These laws reveal that those who were members of native tribes or of African descent were viewed as sufficiently unlike the British so as to warrant separate labels and exclusion from the full package of rights and privileges that the British and those considered sufficiently like them enjoyed. This was true prior to Bacon’s Rebellion, at least among lawmakers. What is striking after Bacon’s Rebellion is the label given to those who were not ‘Negroes or mulattos or Indians.’ Those people, who were referenced in law first primarily as ‘British and other Christians’ and then by mid-century as ‘English and freeborn,’ became, after 1680 ‘white’…. The Maryland law of 1681 reflects the first time in legal history, in the land that would eventually become the U.S., that ‘white’ was used in law to reflect a human classification. This Maryland law represents the invention of ‘white’ people in law… The law provides that freeborn English or ‘white’ women who enter into marriage with a slave of African descent do so ‘to the satisfaction of their lascivious and lustful desires’ and to the ‘disgrace not only of the English but also of many other Christian nations.’ This language reveals important perceptions and reflects persuasive efforts to shape a human group now being referred to as ‘white’. Taken-for-granted components include that African bodies represent excessive sexuality while bodies seen as ‘white’, like the English, reflect normal sexuality. The normality that is conferred by virtue of one’s status as English or white is corrupted and turned sexually deviant by the desire to wed those being constructed as ‘other’ and inferior – first enslaved African men, and then simply Africans. The corruption of the individual is then perceived to harm the group by disgracing the English collectively through challenging what being English symbolizes. The Maryland lawmakers here fuse biology with morality. Here, criminality is linked not to property damage or physical harm, but to an action that represents a threat to a group status. Here ‘white’ is revealed as fragile, requiring significant protective measures. The 1681 enactment of the Maryland lawmakers reveals the initial legal authorization of a label and its package of ideas that worked to create, perpetuate, and institutionalize representations of bodies made different, specifically those made ‘white’ and in the most general sense those rendered other-than-white. In addition, the law exposes these community standards to be premised upon a hierarchical ordering of humanity that presupposed the superiority of the English and then reveals the category ‘English’ being expanded to encompass ‘other whites’. We learn here, too, that whiteness was built upon the idea of English as white and upon the presumption of the English as Christian. We see also in these enactments that white is reflective of those who are deserving of freedoms and privileges denied those viewed as sufficiently unlike the English. These assumptions and ideas combine in the invention of the new category of humanity. For those who are now thinking that the invention of white people and the resulting racial hierarchy that follows is the fault of ‘the damn British’, I will caution that such a view of human categorization did not emerge from England and was viewed as peculiar by legal actors there. In England, access to rights and privileges were rooted in wealth, not shades of skin color. It was by British leadership WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF COLONIAL NORTH AMERICA that ‘white’ people were imagined and invented.”

THUS IS THE BIRTH OF WHITE SUPREMACY AND WHITE PRIVILEGE IN AMERICA.

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1682 – From 1607 to 1682, roughly 92,000 immigrants from Europe, mostly men from England, arrived in what is now called Virginia, but also Maryland. 69,000 were the victims of human traffickers who created a system known as chattel bond laborers. These English immigrants agreed to be enslaved as security against a loan or an inherited debt. The bond laborer was supplied with food, clothing and shelter during the years of service, and the master owned everything earned by the servant. The agreement looked like employment where the worker starts with a debt to repay only to find that repayment of the loan is impossible. Then, their enslavement becomes permanent. Under this system, some officers in the colony were getting rich under a system of private enterprise, advancing the fortunes of a few and the death of many. Most of this fortune was made in farming tobacco fields.

1690 - The 1690 “Act for the Better Ordering of Slaves” codified the institution of chattel slavery in South Carolina. Among other things, slaves were required to get written passes to travel. Those who lacked permission to travel were considered runaways. Barbaric punishments under the 1690 Act included whipping, branding, nose-slitting. Runaways were subject to being branded with an R on the cheek and/or loss of an ear. Other penalties for a range of offenses included castration and the severing of a tendon.

Section III of the 1690 Act contained the travel requirements is copied below:

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1691 – Virginia passes an anti-miscegenation law. The law stated, “…. whatsoever English or other white man or woman being free shall intermarry with a negro, mulatto, or Indian man or woman bond or free, shall within three months after such marriage be banished and removed from this dominion forever….” Battalora writes, “The law did far more than control the sexuality and relationality of ‘white’ women and nonwhite men. It created a ‘criminal.’ Where a child was born, the law created an ‘abomination.’ Virginia’s anti-miscegenation law of 1691 begins by describing children born of a biological parent who was understood to be English or ‘white’ and a biological parent who was understood as a ‘negro, mulatto, or Indian as ‘that abominable mixture and spurious issue. Through this descriptive alchemy, the general assembly not only worked to create the human category ‘white’ but also a human category anathema to their colonial society. Virginia’s antimiscegenation law required not only that a free English woman who gave birth to a child fathered by a man from one of the prohibited classifications relinquish the child, but also that she pay a fine or face five additional years of servitude….The law blocked those relationships between ‘whites’ and those of native tribes or persons of African descent that took an intimate and consensual form from being legitimized by the community and from receiving the protections and exercising the responsibilities created by marriage law. In addition, these laws placed the financial burden, as well as the burden of public shame for ‘mixed’ pregnancies, upon women. ‘White’ men who had children with women understood as not ‘white’ did so largely to the advancement of their investment in property or that of the landowner for whom they labored…. Women of African descent were made capital and thus instruments of wealth production. ‘White’ women were made bearers of purity and thus instruments of white supremacy.”

1696 - The Royal African Trade Company loses its monopoly and New England colonists enter the slave trade.

1700 - Pennsylvania legalizes slavery.

1705 – Virginia enacts a law prohibiting setting free slaves of African descent. Another law imposed a prohibition against free blacks holding public office while yet another law prohibited the beating or whipping of a Christian ‘white’ servant while naked without an order from the justice of the peace. This law worked to render ‘white’ a special status deserving of protection from humiliation and physical punishment, linking ‘white’ with an expectation of due process while denying it to those outside its parameters. Other laws enacted blocked persons of African descent from testifying against a ‘white’ person and another that prohibited free blacks from possessing any weapon, including a club, gun, powder, or shot. Another law made it a criminal offense for a person of African descent to raise a hand against any ‘white’ person, subject to public lashing. Battalora writes, “These laws combined to render persons of African descent all but completely self-defenseless, especially against violence inflicted by a ‘white’ person. Not only do these laws enforce a human hierarchy that places ‘white’ people at the top, they render the lives of those of African descent less valuable than the most depraved and inhumane ‘white’ person. Through law, free people of African descent were stripped of the freedoms enjoyed in their status as ‘free’ members of the colonial society. No matter how loyal to the British crown, no matter how faithful to Christianity, no matter how valuable their contribution to the colonial community, people of African descent for the first time faced severe restrictions. They were limited not only in their legal standing within the community, but by virtue of their very ability to preserve and protect their bodily integrity and that of family members.” Meanwhile, a law was enacted that the freedom dues provided to every ‘white’ male included ten bushels of corn, thirty shillings in money, a gun, and to every woman servant, fifteen bushels of corn and forty shillings in money. Thus established the economic welfare system for white privilege.

1715 - Rhode Island legalizes slavery.

1723 – Virginia law excludes Africans from the armed militia. Battalora writes, “Through such enactments, those of African descent who were established as free members of the colonial community were rendered inferior to both an indentured and non-indentured ‘white’ man. An indentured ‘white’ man held the legal potential of a future position in public office and the ability to own any bond laborer. Through such laws, free people of African descent began to be stripped of the full range of opportunity and resources within colonial society. The messages promulgated by these laws and others include that the privileges of freedom are only fully available to ‘whites’ and that a person of African descent is incapable of being in a position of authority relative to a ‘white’ person.”

1739 - the Stono slave rebellion resulted in the imposition of an even stricter slave code, the “Bill for the better ordering and governing of Negroes and other Slaves in this Province,” known as the “Negro Act” of 1740. The Act of 1740 codified the denial of rights for slaves under English common law and deemed them legal nonentities. Slaves could not testify under oath, writing was prohibited, and drumming and playing horns was outlawed. The 1740 Negro Act made it illegal for slaves to move abroad, assemble in groups, raise food, earn money, and learn to read English. Owners are permitted to kill rebellious slaves if necessary. The 1740 Act even regulated clothing for slaves. The Act became the basis for the institution of slavery in South Carolina until 1865 and influenced slave codes throughout the South.

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1775 - The African population in the colonies is nearly 500,000. In Virginia, the ratio of free colonists or ‘white’ men to slaves or non-white men is nearly 1:1. In South Carolina it is approximately 1:2.

DEVELOPMENT OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE

LEGAL ISSUES EFFECTING BALANTA AS A RESULT OF CONTACT WITH THE ENGLISH

Excerpts from Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volume 3

West Africa: Quest For Gold and God 1475-1578 by John W. Blake recalls,

“Until 1553, the part played by Englishmen in West Africa was negligible. The major threat to Portuguese supremacy came from the French. These twenty-three years may be regarded, then, as a period when the Portuguese monopoly was subjected to a French challenge. Unlike the earlier challenge from Castile, the second did not end in a Portuguese victory. On the contrary, the volume of French interloping trade began to multiply after 1553, while English traders henceforth made regular voyages to Guinea. Again, the new challenge was not a territorial struggle between relative equals, in which each submitted similar claims. The Castilo-Portuguese conflict had resolved itself, in a sense, into a race for possessions and trade, starting from scratch. But there was no race about the rivalry after 1530. The later struggles were the outcome of acts of pure aggression, perpetrated by groups of enterprising merchants and sailors in England and in France, against imperial Portugal. Dynamic interlopers assailed a static empire. . . .

The Englishman, William Hawkins, seems to have sent three expeditions between 1530 and 1532. . . . Hawkins purchased ivory at the Rio dos Sestos on his second voyage . . . . but this promising traffic did not survive the ensuing decade. For a time, English commercial and maritime energies were diverted to other, and more fruitful channels. But Englishmen ventured to Guinea once more after 1553, and the international struggle in West Africa assumed hitherto unrivaled proportions. It was magnified because French interlopers did not abandon their operations in Guinea. . . . Taken as a whole, a sordid fight for trade resulted in which little mercy was given and none expected, while the interests of the negroes were entirely subordinated to those of the whites. Thus, the reappearance of the English in 1553 inaugurated an era of triple rivalry in West Africa.

The West African monopoly of Portugal was further undermined after 1559 by certain important changes in Europe . . . . The situation in England, where Protestantism was finally accepted and guaranteed by the state, inspired more vigorous efforts to break down the monopoly. London merchants and Plymouth sailors now advanced religious arguments, as well as the argument of force, to support their clandestine operations in Guinea. Indeed, their operations ceased to be clandestine when Queen Elizabeth took the crown which Mary had worn so uneasily. They openly attacked the papal division of the world and declared a holy war for the liberation of the seas. . . . The catholic states in Europe were drawn together and their imperial policies coordinated.

England, as was perhaps natural for the paramount protestant state, took the lead in Guinea enterprises from 1559 to 1571; while Huguenots played the role of chief Guinea interloper from 1571 to the end of our period. . . . It is obvious that after 1559 a close connection existed between religious strife in Europe and white enterprise in West Africa. One of the salient features of this interaction was the association of those in high places with many of the illegal voyages to Guinea. . . . An examination of the personnel of those associated with the English voyages to Guinea reveals many highly-placed officials, and demonstrates that the English government was, more than the French, definitely and openly sympathetic towards these enterprises. . . . Even the queen and the cautious Sir William Cecil, the chief secretary of state, were favorably inclined towards the adventures to Guinea. Whatever she might pretend, Queen Elizabeth cared little for nice legal points. Her primary criterion was the welfare of her country, and from the beginning, therefore, she questioned the monopolistic claims of Portugal and Spain. . . . During the ten years after 1561 our evidence suggests a greater volume of English than of French traffic to Guinea. . . . The scope of English enterprise was threefold: first, there was direct traffic between England and Guinea; secondly, John Hawkins inaugurated the transatlantic slave trade; and thirdly, several attempts were made to establish a permanent station as a base for trade and military operations in West Africa. . . .

English participation in the slave trade was spoiling peaceful commerce. . . . We do not know the identity of the English interloper, who thus roused a hornet’s nest for the unlucky captain Fenner, but it has been suggested that captain Lovell was responsible. With the backing of John Hawkins, a fleet of four ships under Lovell’s command set out from Plymouth in November 1566 to trade to Guinea, and three of the four ships subsequently made their way to the West Indies. Lovell was later accused of piracy by the Portuguese, and the case was tried before the High Court of Admiralty in 1568. The captain was charged with having seized a number of Portuguese ships with their cargoes. Near Santiago he captured two large ships, loaded with negroes, and two other ships were taken at the islands of Fogo and Maio. His object, then, was evidently to load as many blacks as possible before sailing to the West Indies. But he did not merely plunder Portuguese vessels, for, as we saw, he organized at least one raid for slaves upon the mainland.

Hawkins association with the enterprise of John Lovell helps to explain its character. It was John Hawkins who first put into operation the idea of English participation in the Africo-Caribbean slave trade, when he made the celebrated voyages of 1562-3 and 1564-5. His inspiration was behind the slaving voyage of captain Lovell, and he probably inspired other voyages about which today we know nothing. We hear of at least one other English ship which loaded 125 negroes at Cape Verde in the winter of 1564-5 and, what would appear more significant, its commander was Bartholomew Bayao, a Portuguese renegade. Bayao was well known to the Portuguese, who invoked the help of the tribe of the Sapes in Sierra Leone to expel him from the coast. Was this man one of the Portuguese who regularly aided the English in their interloping activities? And did he suggest the slaving voyage to John Hawkins? Unfortunately, the voyage of 1564-5 is the earliest notice of him, so that these questions cannot be answered. Yet Bayao was a clever cosmographer, well acquainted with the African navigation, and he was engaged in more than one enterprise for England. It would seem that his voyage to Cape Verde and the Spanish Indies ended disastrously, for in 1570 he was a prisoner at Seville. In this year he escaped and fled back to England, where he was welcomed by the merchants and some of the councilors, because ‘no one could have come more apt for their designs’. A scheme was immediately set on foot for a plantation in South America from which the traffic of Guinea, the Spanish Indies and the Pacific might be controlled. Bayao was to lead the necessary expedition. It so alarmed the Spanish authorities that the ambassador, Gueraa de Spes, tried to bribe Bartholomew Bayao to enter the service of King Philip II. But Bartholomew was a difficult man with whom to deal and perhaps set his price too high, for he remained in England. Nothing came of the colonization, but Bayao returned to the slave trade. In the spring of 1571 he equipped three ships and a pinnace for the Senegal, from whence he intended to carry slaves to Hispaniola. . . .

The character of English enterprise in Guinea thus began to change. During the early years of English traffic to West Africa, gold, pepper and ivory were the primary attractions for the syndicate of merchants who adventured in it. However, as trading beyond Cape Palmas grew more dangerous, so did the gold trade tend to decline. John Hawkins then projected a new type of commerce, wherein the Guinea voyage itself ceased to form a complete cycle. This new trade did not necessitate facing the guns or the galleys of Portugal on the Mina coast, for plenty of negro slaves were procurable between the Senegal and Sierra Leone. Nor did it involve the greater risk of fever, which attached to the farther voyage. It did not even mean that the other commodities of Guinea, apart from slaves, need be ignored. Hawkins found it convenient in 1563, when about to leave Sierra Leone for the West Indies, to send one of his ships straight back to England with the pepper and ivory, which he had purchased. His plan was copied by those who came after him. Captain Lovell seems to have sent one of his ships back from Guinea in the spring of 1567, and we have reliable evidence that one of a fleet of three ships, owned by William Winter and sent to Guinea to participate in the transatlantic slave trade, returned to England without visiting the Caribbean (1570). The slave trade was thus gradually preferred, particularly after the failure of the expedition of captain Fenner. Nearly all the ships sent to Guinea during the Anglo-Portuguese crisis of 1569-71 were potential slavers.

The men who were interested in Guinea clearly saw that trade, whatever its character, could be greatly facilitated by a permanent station in West Africa. We have noted in the preceding chapter that this idea had already been considered between 1554 and 1558. A keener interest in trade now led to correspondingly more thorough efforts to plant settlements, but no greater success was achieved than before 1559. The preeminence of Englishmen among the interlopers in the period from 1559 to 1571 is indicated by the fact that nearly all the contemporary projects of colonization in Guinea were of English origin.”

Concerning John Hawkins, Nick Hazlewood, in The Queen’s Slave Trader: John Hawkyns, writes,

“John Hawkyns had tasted blood at a very early age. His killing of a barber in his hometown is recorded in the Calendar of Patent Rolls for July 1552. . . . At the time of the royal pardon Hawkyns was barely twenty years old. . . . Whether Hawkyns’s innocence is really established by the pardon is neither here nor there – such pieces of paper could by purchased by rich and powerful families. What it does illustrate, however, is that even as a young man from a wealthy background, John Hawkyns was very much a product of the brutal time, place, and family that he was born into. . . .

John Hawkins was born into one of the two or three wealthiest merchant families in the important seaport of Plymouth, a family that boasted a rich West Country pedigree and that would imbue him with a craving for luxury and intrigue, and quite possible the lust for power that was to characterize all aspects of his life. . . . . His mother, Joan Trelawney, was a daughter of William Trelawney of Cornwall. His father, William, was the offspring of a powerful Tavistock merchant and the heiress of King Edwards IV’s sergeant -in-law, William Amadas of Launceston. . . .

[The family] lived together in a smart town house in a narrow lane at the end of Kinterbury Street, in the southwest quarter of Plymouth’s old town. . . . from their small back garden they could look down at the indisputable evidence of their familial power, the wharves and warehouses of Plymouth’s inner harbor, Sutton Pool, where they ruled the roost over the bustle and business of the docks. . . .

Shipping and mercantile activities were the cornerstones of William Hawkyns’s life. As an energetic and successful businessman, he was a part of a thrusting, ambitious class that was pushing its way to the surface as England finally emerged from the dark ages of the Hundred Years War and the internecine conflict and regicide of the Wars of the Roses. This aspiring new middle class consisted of men who were to benefit from the centralization of government, the broken stranglehold of Roman Catholicism, the spread of Protestantism, and a growing sense of national unity.”

And returning to West Africa: Quest For Gold and God 1475-1578 by John W. Blake,

“John Hawkins, whose men in January 1568 actually burned down the Portuguese trading house on the river Cacheu. This disaster calls for comment. Hawkins had on his two previous voyages seized Portuguese ships in the waters of Sierra Leone. On this occasion, however, he took armed vessels up the Rio de S. Domingo (Cacheu river) and attacked the whites in their trading house on its (north?) bank. Witnesses in a Portuguese court of law alleged that Hawkins and his men, armed to the teeth, landed at Cacheu, slew many Portuguese residents, seized 30,000 ducats, and burned down the factory there. We know, from other evidence, that the white traders had a ‘factory of Sao Domingos’ on the Cacheu river in 1535 and another further south in Biafada country at Guinala on the Ria Grande de Buba in 1558 (Rodney, P. 76). It would seem that in 1568 Hawkins destroyed the ‘factory of Sao Domingos’. Witnesses are specific: this trading house was the place where ‘the royal dues and taxes are levied and collected by the servants and factors of Antonio Goncalves de Guzman and Duarte Leo, [the farmers or contractors of the trade of Cape Verde and the Rivers of Guinea]’. But one witness also insisted that on the Rio de S. Domingo ‘there are two settlements of Portuguese: one is in Cacheu port and the other is in Buguendo. Did Hawkins burn Cacheu? Or did he burn Buguendo?”

HISTORY OF GUINEA, LAND OF THE BALANTA FROM THE TIME OF JOHN HAWKINS

1560’s Expansion of English slaving on the West Coast of Africa

1562 John Hawkins loots six Portuguese ships and deepens the English challenge to the Portuguese claims to the Guinea coast.

1563-1564 John Hawkins and Francis Drake ship African slaves.

1565 Drake loots eleven ships in Portuguese waters.

1566 John Lovell, Francis Drake, and John Hawkins sailing for England loot fourteen Portuguese ships in Guinean and Cape Verdean waters. French pirates attack Portuguese in Madeiras.

1567 John Lovell loots Portuguese slavers at sea. John Hawkins raids Cacheu River and makes overland attack on Papels of Cacanda.

1570’s - 1600 An annual average of 3,000 African captives are shipped largely from Guinala in Guinea-Bissau by the lancados and Tangomaos; about half of the slaves are sent to Brazil.

1580’s Cacheu is reported to have 700-800 Christians “between white and black”

1580-1640 King Henrique is toppled. Portugal comes under the rule of the Spanish Hapsburg Kings, but Cape Verde continues as a major slave entrepot, under Portuguese and lancado control, threatened by the Dutch, French, and English.

1581 Andre Donelha visits Guinala noting eight slave ships from Sao Tiago and at least ten others owned by Tangomaos.

1582 The population of Fogo and Sao Tiago includes 13,700 slaves and 600 whites.

1588 the feitor of Cacheu, Lopes Cardoso (A Portuguese born in Cape Verde) convinces Cacanda Papels to accept the construction of a casa forte, which allows lancado independence from Papels and the start of a capitania system subordinate to Cape Verde.

1590 Papels attack the Cacheu fort but are repelled by the lancados, who celebrate their victory by renaming the casa forte, “Nossa Senhoa do Vencimento”.

1590’s Dutch intensify trade efforts along Guinea coast.

1591 The Songhai army is defeated by the Moroccans at Tondibi.

1594 Earliest account of the Balantas (by name) in written records, Andre Alvares Almada, Trato breve dos rios de Guine, trans. P.E.H. Hair - “The Creek of the Balantas penetrates inland at the furthest point of the land of the Buramos [Brame]. The Balantas are fairly savage blacks.”

1600-1650 About 4,000 slaves from Upper Guinea coast were exported annually to Brazil and elsewhere (about 200,000 for this period).

1601 The Crown gives Portuguese Jews the right to settle and trade on the Guinea coast.

1611 19 November King Felipe writes to Father Barreira noting that Guineans “need” to be conquered.

1614 Joao Tavares de Sousa appointed as first feitor at Cacheu and Sao Domingos River in Guinea.

1615, Manuel Alvares commented, ‘They [Balantas] have no principle king. Whoever has more power is king, and every quarter of a league there are many of this kind.’

1617 More than 2,000 African captives shipped from Cacheu.

1618 English Company of Adventurers is chartered for trade in gold and slaves. The company builds a fort on James Island in the River Gambia to rival the Portuguese in Casamance and Guinea.

1619 Slave traders allowed to pay crown tax directly at Cacheu and bypass the slave tax paid in the Cape Verde Islands.

1620 Royal order sends Portuguese women degredados to Cape Verde to “extinguish the mulattoe race.”

1627, Alonso de Sandoval wrote that Balanta were ‘a cruel people, [a] race without a king.’

1628-42 Jesuit mission moves its mission to the Guinea coast.

1636 First African slaves exported to Rhode Island by Portuguese and especially English slave traders.

1637 Dutch West India Company seizes Al-Mina from Portuguese, ending their control of 155 years.

1638 Portuguese lose trade center at Arguim to Dutch. French become established on the Senegal River.

1640’s New World sugar production demands more slaves.

1650 Joao Carreiro Fidalgo appointed as capitao-mor of Cacheu. He arrives with two caravelas of fifty men each as well as canons and arms with the intention to intimidate the local population and build a fort, but this is not successful.

1650 Tarikh as-Sudan written in Timbuktu, by Mahmoud Kati, the Chronicler for Askia the Great.

1650-70’s About 7,500 slaves exported to Brazil each year or about 150,000 for this period. Sugar production and the slave economy of Madeira decline. The Wolof and Bambara are in cycles of regional warfare to produce slaves or defend themselves from attacks by slavers.

1669-92 Economic depression in Portugal

1672 Formation of the English Royal African Company

1676 Formation of Companhia de Cacheu, Rios e Comercio da Guine to provide taxes and slaves for the Portuguese Crown, and approve the capitao-mor, who is Antonio de Barros Bezerra and the main shareholder of the company, which failed in 1682.

1677 French take Goree from Dutch.

1679 Regulos near Cacheu revolt against lancado trader.

1680 Formation of Companhia Africano do Cabe Verde e Cacheu.

1684 Revolt at Cacheu led by mestica trader Bibiana Vaz and her “seditious group” which holds capitao-mor de Oliveira as a captive in Farim for fourteen months until he escapes.

1684 Francisco de Lemos Coelho says that much of the territory of the Balanta ‘has not been navigated, nor does it have kings of consideration.’ . . .

1689-93 French slave traders active in Cacheu and Casamance under De La Courbe

1690 Formation of Companhia do Cacheu e Cabo Verde to control regional trade in slaves and ivory. This company failed in 1696. Bishop Portuense of Ribeira Grande stages raids on his priests who are sleeping with their slave concubines, a widespread practice which added to the Crioulo population.

1694-95 Bishop Portuense visits Cacheu, Bissau, Farim, and Geba. While in Bissau he baptizes the King, Bacompol Co, as “Dom Pedro,” whose eldest son, Batonto is sent to Lisbon to be baptized with the King of Portugal as his godfather.

1697 Widespread Papel revolt is organized by Incinha Te against the Portuguese. Mandinkas of Farim also revolt.

1698 Capitao-mor Jose Pinheiro is arrested by Incinha Te, King of Bissau. Pinheiro dies in custody.

1698-99 French slave traders seek protected commerce in Bissau.

1698-1708 Rhode Islanders build 103 ships largely for the Triangle Trade. The New England colonies are importers of Caribbean molasses to produce rum for barter for slaves from Guinea.

1701 The capitania fort at Bissau is abandoned because of African resistance.

1707-1708 King Joao V orders the fort at Bissau to be destroyed and its artillery sent to Cacheu.

1725 Fula Islamic revival begins in Futa Toro and Futa Jallon and brings the Denianke dynasty to an end. The Fula spirit of regional jihad encourages the Fula of Guinea-Bissau to resist the authority of the Mandinka kingdom of Kaabu.

1747 The Portuguese baptize the King of Bissau to regain control.

1750’s Merchants of Grao Para and Maranhao (Brazil) call for an increase in its slave imports from Guinea for sugar, cotton, rice and cacao production and are authorized by the Crown to form a slave trading and commercial company.

1776 The American Revolutionary War begins, and Americans increase imports of rice and cotton from Maranhao, which requires more slaves from Guinea. Slaves are generated as the revivalist Fula Muslims complete the formation of the Imamate of Futa Toro and bring an end to the Denianke lineage in Futa Toro.

During this period from the 1570’s to 1776, Walter Rodney writes in A History of The Upper Guinea Coast 1545 to 1800,

“These were slaving by piracy, by warlike alliances, and by more or less peaceful partnership. In the first of his stages, he [Basil Davidson] recognizes the very brief phase of direct attaks by the Portuguese on the Africans in the mid fifteenth century; while the activities of John Hawkins are cited as typical of the second stage. But what Hawkins represents is an aberration and an anachronism. Ever since Cadamosta sailed in 1456, organized trading had already taken the place of the earlier manhunts, and it was because of the possibilities of peaceful commerce that Fernao Gomes was given his grant in 1469. Hawkins’ methods were typical of the first phase which the Portuguese had long left behind. He made direct attacks on unsuspecting villagers, and he seized slaves whom the Portuguese had purchased. Only on his second trip, when he found that the Africans were prepared and that violence on his own initiative was not paying dividends, did he enter into an alliance with the local kings (Manes), who were waging war. The Mane warfare was coincidental, and otherwise Hawkins, like other European captains, would have had to do business with the African ruling class through the intermediary of the Lancados . . . . Apart from Sierra Leone, only Cacheu and Guinala were made use of in the sixteenth century. Consequently, commerce on the Upper Guinea Coast settled down into a pattern dominated by the lancados. . . .

The lancado was almost invariably a Portuguese, but he is best regarded as a phenomenon – the private European trader living among African tribesmen – and as such he could be of any nationality. Allied to the lancado was the grumete, another Portuguese term best left untranslated, being loosely applied to a large category of African helpers of European traders. Some were purchased as slaves, some were paid what amounted to a wage, and others were virtually affined relatives of the white merchants. The grumete were at all times a significant part of the resident trading community led by the lancados. The main business of the lancados and grumetes was slaving. . . .

The lancados were not evenly dispersed, because the idea of commerce with the Europeans and the acceptance of the European presence did not find a universal and simultaneous welcome. Indeed, some tribes displayed chronic hostility towards the Europeans; The Djolas were in this latter category. . . . Another group, the Balantas, were so hostile that the belief was widespread among the Europeans on the coast that the Balantas killed all white men that they caught. This reputation of ferocity was shared by the Bijagos Islanders. . . .

Other tribes fitted in between the two extremes, and certain common patterns of behavior were to be found throughout the regions where the lancados were welcomed by the Africans. . . .

The Europeans always dealt with the kings, chiefs, and nobles of the Upper Guinea Coast. . . . Each resident trader placed himself under the protection of an African ruler; and there was an understanding on mutual rights and obligations. . . .

The strongest personage in the vicinity of the Portuguese settlement of Cacheu was the king of Mata, with the chief of Mompata falling under his jurisdiction. Apparently the most powerful Papel leader was to be found at Bassarel in the vicinity of the river Calequisse, south of the Cacheu. . . .”

According to John Horhn’s They Had No King: Ella Baker and the Politics of Decentralized Organization Among African Descended Populations,

“Intermarriage did occur between the Balanta and these foreign groups, especially with the intention of fostering trade relationships. However, at no time was the concentration of wealth in the hands of members of the b’alante b’ndang (or any other group) ever so pronounced that it led to the crystallization of an elite class. Furthermore, the Balanta were extremely mistrusting of outsiders not from their own lineage or tabancas. This was true even when applied to members of their own ethnic group and resulted in a culture that held loyalty to the tabancas above all else. Therefore, it was impossible for outside forces to gain influence over Balanta culture without direct conquest and the commitment of military resources. The fact that the Balanta possessed very little material culture and existed in dispersed settlement pattern would have discourage the notion of any such conquest.”

in Planting Rice and Harvesting Slaves: Transformations along the Guinea-Bissau Coast, 1400-1900, Walter Hawthorne writes,

“As late as 1732, European sailors were loath to venture up the Rio Geba for fear of coming in contact with Balanta age-grade warriors. . . . Spanish Capuchins specifically mentioned that Balanta ‘play a certain instrument that they call in their language bombolon’ to ‘announce the attack.’

Having assembled in what the Capuchins called ‘a great number,’ Balanta warriors struck their stranded victims quickly and with overwhelming force. ‘Upon approaching a boat,’ the Capuchins said, ‘they attack with fury, they kill, rob, capture and make off with everything.’ Such attacks happened with a great deal of regularity and struck fear in the hearts of merchants and missionaries alike. Others also commented on the frequency of Balanta raids on river vessels. On March 24, 1694, Bispo Portuense feared that he would fall victim to the Balanta when his boat, guided by grumetes, ran aground on a sandbar, probably on the Canal do Impernal, ‘very close to the territory of those barbarians.’ . . . .

Faced with an impediment to the flow of trade to their ports, the Portuguese tried to bring an end to Balanta raids. But they were outclassed militarily by skilled Balanta age-grade fighters.

Portuguese adjutant Amaro Rodrigues and his crew certainly discovered this. In 1696, he and a group of fourteen soldiers from a Portuguese post on Bissau anchored their craft somewhere near a Balanta village close to where Bissau’s Captain Jose Pinheiro had ordered the men to stage an attack. However, the Portuguese strategy was ill conceived. A sizable group of Balanta struck a blow against the crew before they had even left their boat. The Balanta killed Rodrigues and two Portuguese soldiers and took twelve people captive.

Returning to Hawthorne’s Strategies of the Decentralized,

“In 1777, Portuguese commander Ignacio Bayao reported from Bissau that he was furious that Balanta had been adversely affecting the regional flow of slaves and other goods carried by boats along Guinea-Bissau’s rivers. It was ‘not possible,’ he wrote, ‘to navigate boats for those [Balanta] parts without some fear of the continuous robbing that they have done, making captive those who navigate in the aforementioned boats.’ In response, Bayao sent infantrymen in two vessels ‘armed for war’ into Balanta territories. After these men had anchored, disembarked, and ventured some distance inland, they ‘destroyed some men, burning nine villages’ and then made a hasty retreat back to the river. Finding their vessels rendered ‘disorderly,’ the infantrymen were quickly surrounded by well-armed Balanta. Bayao lamented that ‘twenty men from two infantry companies’ were taken captive or killed. Having sent out more patrols to subdue the ‘savage Balanta’ and having attempted a ‘war’ against this decentralized people, the Portuguese found that conditions on Guinea- Bissau’s rivers did not improve.’”

Historic Pictoric Map, 1732 Negroland and Guinea : with the European settlements explaining what belongs to England, Holland, Denmark

Historic Pictoric Map, 1732 Negroland and Guinea : with the European settlements explaining what belongs to England, Holland, Denmark

Thus, the English entered Guinea, the land of the Balantas, as violent (“Protestant”) interlopers conducting acts of pure aggression that violated the natural law of the Balanta and the ecclesiastical/canon law of the Catholic Church which conceded dominion to the Balanta, recognizing their sovereign African existence as extra ecclesiam that preceded the human calculus transforming subjects into captives and slaves and acknowledging the theoretical and practical recognition that Guinea did not represent terra nullius (land that is legally deemed to be unoccupied or uninhabited). The Pope claimed that his jurisdiction extended de jure over infidels, and thus he alone could call for a Christian invasion of an infidel’s domain. Even then, however, Pope Innocent maintained that only a violation of natural law could precipitate such an attack. Neither the Portuguese nor the English or any European used any supposed violation of natural law as a justification to invade the Balanta.

The English also violated the ius gentium which formed the basis of the law of nations. The ius gentium was not a legal code, and any force it had depended on "reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct.” Thus, the law of nations was neither natural law, which existed in nature and governed animals as well as humans, nor civil law, which was the body of laws specific to a people. Under the law of nations, slavery was held to be a practice common to all nations, who might then have specific civil laws pertaining to slaves. This was derived from ancient warfare, where the victor had the right under the ius gentium to enslave a defeated population; however, if a settlement had been reached through diplomatic negotiations or formal surrender, the people were by custom to be spared violence and enslavement. However, as has already been well documented, slavery was not a practice of the Balanta. From their earliest documented conflict with the Mesintu in 3200 BC, throughout the ENTIRE written record, the Balanta have been identified as a people that NEVER practiced slavery and ALWAYS SUCCESSFULLY RESISTED IT. As such the ius gentium or law of nations could not be applied as a legal justification for the English conduct in Guinea against the Balanta since such justification must necessarily rest on reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct which can not be achieved between Balanta and English competing legal codes. Further, the English would have been required to conclude treaties with each head of household since the Balantas had no king, chief or leader and sovereign judicial and political authority rested with the head of the household. Additionally, the English behavior WAS DEEMED ILLEGAL by the community of European nations at the time which could use the ius gentium or law of nations amongst each other since they had been engaged in the practice of slavery for centuries. Specifically, the English violated the Treaty of Tordesillas and were deemed “pirates” and “interlopers” by European sovereigns. At the start of the sixteenth century the Portuguese declared that to trade in Guinea without a license is a capital offense. This is the reason why London merchants and Plymouth sailors had to advance religious arguments, as well as the argument of force, to support their clandestine operations in Guinea. Ultimately, the English openly attacked the papal division of the world and declared a holy war for the liberation of the seas. In substance, the law of nations is a mechanism for “might makes right” and the “rule of force”.

Thus, in order to justify it’s illegal activities and imperial ambitions, the English, like the Portuguese began distinguishing between sovereign ‘Moorish’ subjects and those ‘Moors,’ ‘Negros,’ and ‘black’ that they could legitimately enslave. Based on phenotype and and other natural and political characteristics, the English used the terms such as ‘Black Moors’ ‘blacks,’ “Ethiops,’ ‘Guineas,’ and ‘Negroes,’ or the descriptive terms to which a religious signifier was appended such as ‘Moors. . . [who] were Gentiles’ and ‘pagans’, which gradually constituted the rootless and “sovereignless.” This became the basis to delineate who could be ‘legitimately’ enslaved and establish juridical status. The English then used such juridical status to identify territory that could be invaded and raided for slaves. That territory became known as “Negroland” and appeared on English maps.

The Europeans made partnerships with the Mandinka, the Casanga, the Papel and the Bijago. The Mandinka, the Kaabu Empire and the Cassanga Kings demanded tribute from the Banhuns, Buramos, , Jabundos, Falupos, Arriatas and Balantas . When the Balantas refused to pay taxes they would be attacked. The main purpose of the raids was to obtain captives for sale to Europeans. Mandinka rulers regarded this as a means of disciplining recalcitrant subjects who refused to pay tribute or to recognize Mandinka supremacy. The Cassanga king also produced slaves through judicial proceedings. The slave trade provided the Cas Mansa’s rulers with a way to eliminate rivals and unwanted or unruly commoners by condemning them to captivity and sale for whatever ‘crimes’ they may have committed.According to the fiscal arrangement, the Iberian monarch had a one-third interest in the sale price of these slaves. Various taxes were created at each level of transaction.

The sale of slaves brought wealth directly in the form of revenue streams or indirectly as taxes or gits to the rulers of the kingdom. Much of the wealth derived from the slave trade was used to equip the armies that took captives from decentralized groups on the frontier of Casa Mansa; some may have been redistributed to regional leaders or others in return for their support; and some was appropriated by the king, who ‘enjoyed royal state, and was served with pomp – [he possessed] a table, silk carpets, chairs, a gilded bed, curtains and canopies of silk, and a whole inner service in silver.’ The wealth that the king derived from the slave trade certainly elevated him well above the masses, giving him untold power over many institutions – judicial, military, and economic.

Hawthorne notes that

by 1755 the unregulated trade in slaves from Bissau was booming. That year, Portuguese officials in Cacheu reported that Portuguese and French ships were leaving the island with ‘substantial cargoes of captives.’ The Company of Grao Para e Maranhao, which was accorded monopoly trading privileges for the Guinea -Bissau region beginning in 1755. The company had been created to supply the Brazilian states of Par and Maranhao with slave laborers. By 1775 the company had completed a fort, the Praca de Jose de Bissau. The fort had strong 40-foot-high stone walls that formed a square, at the corners of which were four bulwarks. Trenches surrounded all of this. And the company had an enormous holding pen for slaves. Like the Portuguese government had on many occasions before, the Company of Grao Para e Maranhao sought to undercut the power of Luso African traders who lived in the region. The company was especially keen on defending its monopoly trading rights, and it feared Luso Africans would not recognize these. With British vessels regularly purchasing slaves in Bissau and Geba from ‘Portuguese’ in the 1760’s, the company’s fears were well grounded.”

Thus, when the English began to establish new colonies in the Americas, they used the corporation, a new form of personhood with its own rights and obligations, established by English civil law called “common law” to govern civil and criminal matters. Balanta people were redefined as “Negro” and given the juridical status as “slave” and property of the corporation, in violation of natural law, canon law, and the law of nations. As corporate-less beings that lacked the protective shield of a culturally sanctioned corporate status, much like the Jews and Moors in 15th century Portugal, the history of the Balantas taken to the English colonies in the America’s would, for the next 400 years, simply be the accounting records of the various English corporations.

Timeline of American History And The Birth of White Supremacy and White Privilege in America

LEGAL ISSUES EFFECTING BALANTA AS A RESULT OF CONTACT WITH EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS

Excerpts from Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volume 3

By the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, the first Europeans to make contact with Balanta people, Balanta culture was firmly based in an the Great Belief which mitigated against social hierarchies, state formation, and the resultant inequality that such systems of organization produce. As historian Walter Rodney pointed out,

“It is only the Balantas who can be cited as lacking the institution of kingship. At any rate there seemed to have been little or no differentiation within Balanta society on the basis of who held property, authority and coercive power. Some sources affirmed that the Balantas had no kings, while an early sixteenth-century statement that the Balanta ‘kings’ were no different from their subjects must be taken as referring simply to the heads of the village and family settlements. . . .as in the case of the Balantas, the family is the sole effective social and political unit. . . .”

This is of crucial significance for understanding the legal relationship that existed upon the first meeting of the Portuguese and Balanta as well as for resolving the current legal problems of the descendants of the Balanta people who were captured from their homeland, brought to the United States of America, and enslaved.

Balanta boys.jpg

When the Portuguese first arrived on the shores of the Rio Cacheu and Rio Geba near where our Balanta ancestors were living, it was in no small part due to the Catholic Church, which played an authoritative role in the capture and enslavement of Balanta people. According to Wikipedia, Catholicism was introduced to what is now Portugal under the Roman Empire in the first half of the first millennium AD. The modern Portuguese state was founded in 1139 AD by Afonso Henriques during the Reconquista, in which the Catholic kingdoms of the northern Iberian Peninsula reconquered the South from the Islamic Moors. Crusaders from other Catholic realms aided the reconquest, which Portugal finished in 1249.

The 12th century saw the founding of eight new monastic orders, many of them functioning as Military Knights of the Crusades. Cistern monk Bernard of Clairvaux exerted great influence over the new orders and produced reforms to ensure purity of purpose. His influence led Pope Alexander III to begin reforms that would lead to the establishment of canon law.

John I of Portugal acceded in 1390 and ruled in peace, pursuing the economic development of his realm. The only significant military action was the siege and conquest of the city of Ceuta in 1415. By this step he aimed to control navigation of the African coast. But in the broader perspective, this was the first step opening the Arab world to medieval Europe, which in fact led to the Age of Discovery with Portuguese explorers sailing across the whole world.

A growing sense of church-state conflicts marked the 14th century. It is stated in the Introduction to The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea Volume II that,

“Here, by the capture of Ceuta (area north of Fez on the African side of the Straight of Gibraltar south of Spain), Prince Henry gained a starting-point for his work; here he is said (probably with truth) to have gained his earliest knowledge of the interior of Africa; here especially he was brought in contact with those Sudan and Saharan caravans which, coming down to the Mediterranean coast, brought news, to those who sought it, of the Senegal and Niger, of the Negro kingdoms beyond the desert, and particularly of the Gold land of ‘Guinea.’ Here also, from a knowledge thus acquired, he was able to form a more correct judgment of the course needed for the rounding or circumnavigation of Africa, of the time, expense, and toil necessary for that task, and of the probable support or hindrance his mariners were to look for on their route. . . .

[T]he ‘Arabs and Moors’ of the early fifteenth century could give the Infant detailed and correct information, not only about the Barbary states and the trade-routes of the Sahara, but also about many of the Western and Central Sudan countries, and about the general course and direction of the ‘Guinea coast’ both to the west and south of the great African hump. Especially could they describe the kingdom of Guinea, centering around the town of Jenne on the Upper Niger, which was the chief market of their Negro trade in slaves, gold and ivory. This kingdom, then, reached almost to the Atlantic on the lower valley of the Senegal, where in earlier times a place called Ulil had been marked by Edrisis and other Arab geographers, as independent of Ghana but important for traffic. Also, the Moors were acquainted with the country of Tokrur, which may be supposed to occupy the upper valley of the Senegal, becoming perhaps in Prince Henty’s time, merely a province of Guinea. Further, they could give much information about the States of Timbuktu and Mali, to the east of Guinea, on the Middle Niger, about the gold land of Wangara, in the great bend to the south of that river, and about the Songhay, afterwards so powerful, whose capital was at Gao, at the extreme N.E. angle of the Negro Nile, or Joliba.”

African Caravan Trade routes.JPG

Under king Edward, the colony at Ceuta rapidly became a drain on the Portuguese treasury, and it was realized that without the city of Tangier, possession of Ceuta was worthless. In 1437, Duarte's brothers Henry and Ferdinand persuaded him to launch an attack on the Marinid sultanate of Morocco. The resulting attack on Tangier, led by Henry, was a debacle. Failing to take the city in a series of assaults, the Portuguese siege camp was soon itself surrounded and starved into submission by a Moroccan relief army. In the resulting treaty, Henry promised to deliver Ceuta back to the Marinids in return for allowing the Portuguese army to depart unmolested. The Portuguese needed to find a new source of wealth.

The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, stated,

we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude, and to apply and appropriate realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, possessions and goods of this kind to you and your use and your successors the Kings of Portugal.”

Gomes Eannes de Azurara,, the royal chronicler of the King Don Affonso the Fifth of Portugal, gives the official purpose of the Portuguese exploration of the west coast of Africa:

“HERE beginneth the Chronicle in which are set down all the notable deeds that were achieved in the Conquest of Guinea, written by command of the most high and revered Prince and most virtuous Lord the Infant Don Henry, Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham, Ruler and Governor of the Chivalry of the Order of Jesus Christ. The which Chronicle was collected into this volume by command of the most high and excellent Prince, and most powerful Lord the King Don Affonso the Fifth of Portugal. . . .

And our Lord the King, considering that it was not convenient for the process of one only Conquest* that it should be recounted in many ways, although they all contribute to one result, ordered me to work at the writing and ordering of the history in this volume so that those who read might have the more perfect knowledge. . . .

We imagine that we know a matter when we are acquainted with the doer of it and the end for which he did it. And since in former chapters we have set forth the Lord Infant as the chief actor in these things, giving as clear an understanding of him as we could, it is meet that in this present chapter we should know his purpose in doing them. And you should note well that the noble spirit of this Prince, by a sort of natural constraint, was ever urging him both to begin and to carry out very great deeds. For which reason, after the taking of Ceuta (from the Moors in Morocco) he always kept ships well-armed against the Infidel, both for war, and because he had also a wish to know the land that lay beyond the isles of Canary and that Cape called Bojador, for that up to his time, neither by writings, nor by the memory of man, was known with any certainty the nature of the land beyond that Cape. Some said indeed that Saint Brandan had passed that way; and there was another tale of two galleys rounding the Cape, which never returned. But this doth not appear at all likely to be true, for it is not to be presumed that if the said galleys went there, some other ships would not have endeavored to learn what voyage they had made. And because the said Lord Infant wished to know the truth of this—since it seemed to him that if he or some other lord did not endeavor to gain that knowledge, no mariners or merchants would ever dare to attempt it — (for it is clear that none of them ever trouble themselves to sail to a place where there is not a sure and certain hope of profit)—and seeing also that no other prince took any pains in this matter, he sent out his own ships against those parts, to have manifest certainty of them all. And to this he was stirred up by his zeal for the service of God and of the King Edward his Lord and brother, who then reigned. And this was the first reason of his action.

The second reason was that if there chanced to be in those lands some population of Christians, or some havens, into which it would be possible to sail without peril, many kinds of merchandise might be brought to this realm, which would find a ready market, and reasonably so, because no other people of these parts traded with them, nor yet people of any other that were known; and also the products of this realm might be taken there, which traffic would bring great profit to our countrymen.

The third reason was that, as it was said that the power of the Moors in that land of Africa was very much greater than was commonly supposed, and that there were no Christians among them, nor any other race of men; and because every wise man is obliged by natural prudence to wish for a knowledge of the power of his enemy ; therefore the said Lord Infant exerted himself to cause this to be fully discovered, and to make it known determinately how far the power of those infidels extended.

The fourth reason was because during the one and thirty years that he had warred against the Moors, he had never found a Christian king, nor a lord outside this land, who for the love of our Lord Jesus Christ would aid him in the said war. Therefore, he sought to know if there were in those parts any Christian princes, in whom the charity and the love of Christ was so ingrained that they would aid him against those enemies of the faith.

The fifth reason was his great desire to make increase in the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ and to bring to him all the souls that should be saved,—understanding that all the mystery of the Incarnation, Death, and Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ was for this sole end—namely the salvation of lost souls—whom the said Lord Infant by his travail and spending would fain bring into the true path. For he perceived that no better offering could be made unto the Lord than this; for if God promised to return one hundred goods for one, we may justly believe that for such great benefits, that is to say for so many souls as were saved by the efforts of this Lord, he will have so many hundreds of guerdons in the kingdom of God, by which his spirit may be glorified after this life in the celestial realm. For I that wrote this history saw so many men and women of those parts turned to the holy faith, that even if the Infant had been a heathen, their prayers would have been enough to have obtained his salvation. And not only did I see the first captives, but their children and grandchildren as true Christians as if the Divine grace breathed in them and imparted to them a clear knowledge of itself.

But over and above these five reasons I have a sixth that would seem to be the root from which all the others proceeded: and this is the inclination of the heavenly wheels. For, as I wrote not many days ago in a letter I sent to the Lord King, that although it be written that the wise man shall be Lord of the stars, and that the courses of the planets (according to the true estimate of the holy doctors) cannot cause the good man to stumble; yet it is manifest that they are bodies ordained in the secret counsels of our Lord God and run by a fixed measure, appointed to different ends, which are revealed to men by his grace, through whose influence bodies of the lower order are inclined to certain passions. And if it be a fact, speaking as a Catholic, that the contrary predestinations of the wheels of heaven can be avoided by natural judgment with the aid of a certain divine grace, much more does it stand to reason that those who are predestined to good fortune, by the help of this same grace, will not only follow their course but even add a far greater increase to themselves. But here I wish to tell you how by the constraint of the influence of nature this glorious Prince was inclined to those actions of his. And that was because his ascendant was Aries, which is the house of Mars and exaltation of the sun, and his lord in the Xlth house, in company of the sun. And because the said Mars was in Aquarius, which is the house of Saturn, and in the mansion of hope, it signified that this Lord should toil at high and mighty conquests, especially in seeking out things that were hidden from other men and secret, according to the nature of Saturn, in whose house he is. And the fact of his being accompanied by the sun, as I said, and the sun being in the house of Jupiter, signified that all his traffic and his conquests would be loyally carried out, according to the good pleasure of his king and lord.”

 - Gomes Eannes de Azurara, The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea

4,624 years AFTER our ancestors migrated from Ta-Nihisi just prior to Menes’ conquest of Ta-Nihisi and Ta-Meri, starting in the year 1424 AD, Henry the Navigator of Portugal sent 15 expeditions to explore the west coast of Africa. None reach any further than Cape Bojador, just south of the Canary Islands. In 1435, Gomes Eannes de Azurara traveled down the west African coast almost to the Tropic of Cancer.

Portuguese  Exploration of Africa.JPG

Here is Gomes Eannes de Azurara’s account of the Portuguese’s first arrival in the land of Guinea:

“Gomez Pirez, who was there in that caravel of the King as chief captain, being a man of valour and authority, began to speak of his purpose . . . . ‘But as for you others, honorable sirs and friends, you know right well the will of the lord Infant; how much store he setteth on knowing somewhat of the land of the Negroes, and especially of the river of Nile, for which reason I am resolved to make my voyage to that land, toiling as much as I can to get at it . . . .”

And so those six caravels having set out, pursued their way along the coast, and pressed on so far that they passed the land of Sahara belonging to those Moors which are called Azanegues, the which land is very easy to distinguish from the other by reason of the extensive sands that are there, and after it by the verdue which is not to be seen in it on account of the gret dearth of water there, which causeth an exceeding dryness of the soil. . . .

Now these caravels having passed by the land of Sahara, as hath been said, came in sight of the two palm trees that Dinis Diaz had met with before, by which they understood that they were at the beginning of the land of the Negroes. And at this sight they were glad indeed, and would have landed at once, but they found the sea so rough upon that coast that by no manner of means could they accomplish their purpose. And some of those who were present said afterwards that it was clear from the smell that came off the land how good must be the fruits of that country, for it was so delicious that from the point they reached, though they were on the sea, it seemed to them that they stood in some gracious fruit garden ordained for the sole end of their delight. And if our men showed on their side a great desire of gaining the land, no less did the natives of it show their eagerness to receive them into it; but of the reception they offered I do not care to speak, for according to the signs they made to our men from the first, they did not intend to abandon the beach without very great loss to one side or the other. Now the people of this green land are wholly black, and hence this is called the Land of the Negroes, or Land of Guinea. Wherefore also the men and women thereof are called ‘Guineas,’ as if one were to say ‘Black Men.’ . . . And when the men in the caravels saw the first palms and lofty trees as we have related, they understood right well that they were close to the river of Nile, at the point where it floweth not the western sea, the which river is there called the Senegal (Canaga). For the Infant had told them that in little more than 20 leagues after the sighting of those tress they should look out for the same river, for so he had learnt from several of his Asanegue prisoners. . . .

Balantes Map5.JPG

And when they were close to its mouth, they let down their anchors on the seaward side, and the crew of the caravel of Vicene Diaz launched their boat, and into it jumped as many as eight men, and among them was that Esquire of Lagos called Stevam Affonso, of whom we have already spoken . . . .

And as all the eight were going in the boat, one of them, looking out towards the mouth of the river, espied the door of a hut, and said to his companions: ‘I know not how the huts of this land are built, but judging by the fashion of those I have seen before, that should be a hut that I see before me, and I presume it belongs to fishing folk who have come to fish in this stream. And if you think well, it seemeth to me that we ought to go and land beyond that point, in such wise that we may not be discovered from the door of the hut; and let some land, and approach from behind those sandbanks, and if any natives are lying in the hut, it may be that they will take them before they are perceived.’ Now it appeared to the others that this was good advice, and so they began to put it into execution. And as soon as they reached the land, Stevam Affonso leapt out and five others with him, and they proceeded in the manner that the other had suggested. And while they were going thus concealed even until they neared the hut, they saw come out of it a negro boy, stark naked, with a spear in his hand. Him they seized at once, and coming up close to the hut, they lighted upon a girl, his sister, who was about eight years old. This boy the Infant afterwards caused to be taught to read and write, with all other knowledge that a Christian should have; . . . so that some said of this youth that the Infant had bidden train him for a priest with the purpose of sending him back to his native land, there to preach the faith of Jesus Christ.  But I believe that afterwards he died without ever reaching man’s estate. So those men entered into the hut, where they found a black shield made of hide, quite round in shape, a little larger than those used in that country, the which had in the middle of it a boss of the same hide as the shield itself, to wit, of an elephant’s ear, as was afterwards learnt from certain Guineas who saw it. . . . and when they had captured those young prisoners and articles of plunder, they took them forthwith to their boat. ‘Well were it, said Stevam Affonso to the others, ‘if we were to go through this country near here, to see if we can find the father and mother of these children, for judging by their age and disposition, it cannot be that the parents would leave them and go far off.’ The others said that he should go, with good luck, wherever he pleased, for there was nothing to prevent them following him. And after they had journeyed a short way Stevam Affonso began to hear the blows of an axe or some other iron instrument, with which some one was carpentering upon a piece of timber, and he stopped a little to assure himself of what he had heard, and put the others into the same attention. And then they all recognized that they were near what they sought. ‘Now,’ said he, ‘do you come behind and allow to go in front, because, if we all move forward in company, however softly we walk, we shall be discovered without fail, so that ere we come at him, whosoever he be, if alone, he must needs fly and put himself in safety; but if I go softly and crouching down, I shall be able to capture him by a sudden surprise without his perceiving me; but do not be so slow of pace that you will come late to my aid, where perhaps I may be in such danger as to need you.’

And they agreeing to this, Stevam Affonso began to move forward; and what with the careful guard that he kept in stepping quietly, and the intentness with which the Guinea labored at his work, he never perceived the approach of his enemy till the latter leapt upon him. And I say leapt, since Stevam Affonso was of small frame and slender, while the Guinea was of quite different build; and so he seized him lustily by the hair, so that when the Guinea raised himself erect, Stevam Affonso remained hanging in the air with his feet off the ground. The Guinea was a brave and powerful man, and he thought it a reproach that he should thus be subjected by so small a thing. Also he wondered within himself what this thing could be; but though he struggled very hard, he was never able to free himself, and so strongly had his enemy entwined himself in his hair, that the efforts of those two men could be compared to nothing else than a rash and fearless hound who has fixed on the some mighty bull. . . . But while those two were in their struggle, Affonso’s companions came upon them, and seized the Guinea by his arms and neck in order to bind him. And Stevam Affonso, thinking that he was now taken into custody and in the hands of the other, let go of his hair; whereupon, the Guinea, seeing that his head was free, shook off from his arms, them away on either side, and began to flee. And it was of little avail to the others to pursue him, for his agility gave him a great advantage over his pursuers in running, and in his course he took refuge in a wood full of thick undergrowth and while the others thought they had him, and sought to find him, he was already in his hut, with the intention of saving his children and taking his arms, which he had left with them. But all his former toil was nothing in comparison of the great grief which came upon him at the absence of his children whom he found gone – but as there yet remained for him a ray of hope, and he thought that perchance they were hidden somewhere, he began to look towards every side to see if he could catch any glimpse of them. And at this appeared Vicente Diaz, that trader who was the chief captain of that caravel to which the boat belonged wherein the others had come on land. And it appears that he, thinking that he was only coming out to walk along the shore, as he was wont to do in Lagos town, had not troubled to bring with him any arms you may well imagine, made for him with right good will.

An although Vicente Diaz saw him coming on with such fury, and understood that for his own defense it were well he had somewhat better arms, yet thinking that flight would not profit him, but rather do him harm in many ways, he awaited his enemy without shewing him any sign of fear. And the Guinea rushing boldly upon him, gave him forthwith a wound in the face with his assegai, with the which he cut open the whole of one of his jaws; in return for this the Guinea received another wound, though not so fell a one  as that which he had just bestowed. And because their weapons were not sufficient for such a struggle, they threw them aside and wrestled; and so, for a short space they were rolling one over the other, each one striving for victory. And while this was proceeding, Vicente Diaz saw another Guinea one who was passing from youth to manhood; and he came to aid his countryman; and although the first Guinea was so strenuous and brave and inclined to fight with such good will as we have described, he could not have escaped being made prisoner if the second man had not come up; and for fear of him he now had to loose his hold of the first. And at this moment came up the other Portuguese, but the Guinea, being now once again free from his enemy’s hands, began to put himself in safety with his companion, like men accustomed to running, little fearing the enemy who attempted to pursue them. And at last our men turned back to their caravels, with the small booty they had already stored in their boats. . . .

And this  may truthfully be affirmed according to the matters which at the beginning of this book I have related concerning the passage of Cape Bojador, and also from the astonishment which the natives of that land showed when they saw the first ships, for they went to them imagining they were fish, or some other natural product of the sea. But now returning to our history, after that deed was thus concluded, it was the wish of all the three captains to endeavor to make an honorable booty, adventuring their bodies in whatsoever peril might be necessary; but it appeareth that the wind veered sharply round to the south, wherefore it was  convenient to set sail at once.  And as they were cruising up and down in order to see what the weather purposed to do, the wind turned to the north, and with this they made their way towards Cape Verde, where Dinis Diaz had been the other year. And they went on as par as was possible for all the caravels to join them . . . .

We have already told of how Rodrigueannes and Dinis Diaz sailed in company, but this is the fitting place where it behoveth us to declare certainly all that happened to them. And it was so, that they, sailing in company after the manner we have already told, which we believe was after the scuttling of the pinnace, came to Cape Verde; and thence they went to the islands, and took in water, and knew for sure by the tracks all over them that other ships had already passed by that way. From there they began to make proof of the Guineas, in search of whom they had come there, but they found them so well prepared, that though they essayed to get on shore many a time, they always encountered such a bold defense that they dared not come to close quarters. ‘It may be,’ said Dinis Diaz, ‘that these men will not be so brave in the nighttime as by day; therefore, I wish to try what their courage is, and I can readily know it this next night.’ And this is in fact was put in practice, for as soon as the sun had quite hidden its light, he went on shore, taking with him two men, and came upon two inhabited places which seemed to him so large that he thought it best to leave them, for his expedition was not in order to adventure anything, but only that he might advise his other comrades of what they should do. Then he returned to the ship and there described to Rodrigueannes and the others all that he had found. ‘We,’ said he, ‘should be acting with small judgment, were we wishful to adventure a conflict like this, for I discovered a village divided into two large parts full of habitations you know that the people of this land are not so easily captured as we desire, for they are very strong men, very wary and very well prepared in their combats. . . .

Consider now that if Prince Henry’s purpose was the saving of souls, why would his men capture and enslave the first boy and girl they met instead of coming in peace and establishing a friendly relationship? How does literally kidnapping two children become pleasing to God, and why would such victims want to praise and worship such a God and terrible people?

The question at hand, however, is were the actions of the Portuguese lawful or legal? What right, by what authority, did the Portuguese presume to be operating?

The Sovereign Claim of Guinea Against Slavery

Herman L. Bennett, in African Kings and Black Slaves: Sovereignty and Dispossession in the Early Modern Atlantic, writes,

“In always already conflating African with slave and then condensing the slave’s relationship to the Western legal corpus down to the domain of property, slavery scholars – by projecting the cultural logic of an eighteenth-century market society onto earlier manifestations of bondage – ascribe unwarranted hegemony to Roman law. . . .

The fifteenth-century European legal corpus, by conceding dominium to infidels and pagans, implicitly recognized a sovereign African existence that preceded the human calculus transforming subjects into captives and slaves. Based on an established corpus of thought, law, and theology configuring Christian institutional relations with non-Christians, African polities wielded legal tender in the Christian imaginary. . . .

Even as extra ecclesiam, Guinea’s inhabitants, both infidels and pagans, had natural rights. In asserting its authority over the extra ecclesiam, who, in turn, acquired additional obligations and rights, the Church complicated matters.

At the most elemental level, natural law acknowledged native (African) sovereignty even as Christian thought, theology, and law sanctioned the enslavement of Africans. . . .

In contending with Portugal’s encounter with Guinea’s inhabitants and subsequently adjudicating over Portuguese and Castilian territorial claims in the Atlantic, successive fifteenth-century popes drew on a canonical tradition dating from Innocent IV’s thirteenth-century commentary. Before his election as Pope Innocent IV in 1243, Sinibaldo Fieschi was an influential canonist. As Pope (1241-1254), the erstwhile canonist took an active interest in Christian-Moslem relations since the Christian Crusades, the Reconquista (Spanish and Portuguese for ‘reconquest’ is a name used in English to describe the period in the history of the Iberian Peninsula of about 780 years between the Umayyad conquest of Hispania in 711 and the fall of the Nasrid kingdom of Granada to the expanding Christian kingdoms in 1492), and Christian territorial expansion lacked a firm legal basis in canon law. In his influential commentary, Innocent IV raised the question, ‘Is it licit to invade the lands that infidels possess, and if it is licit, why is it licit?’ According to one leading scholar, ‘Innocent was not . . . interested in justifying the crusades; the general theory of the just war did that. What interested him was the problem of whether or not Christians could legitimately seize land, other than the Holy Land, that the Moslems occupied. Did . . . Christians have a general right to dispossess infidels everywhere?’ Innocent acknowledged that the law of nations had supplanted natural law in regulating human interaction, such as trade, conflict, and social hierarchies. Similarly, the prince replaced the father, as the ‘lawful authority in society’ through God’s provenance, manifesting his dominium in the monopoly over justice and sanctioned violence.

In outlining his opinion, Innocent delineated a temporal domain that was simultaneously autonomous yet subordinate to the Church. Laws of nations pertained to secular matters, a domain in which a significant tendency in the Church, known as ‘dualism,’ showed increasingly less interest. But in spiritual matters, the pope’s authority prevailed, since all humans were of Christ, though not with the Church. ‘As a result,’ the medievalist James Muldoon notes, ‘the pope’s pastoral responsibilities consisted of jurisdiction over two distinct flocks, one consisting of Christians and one comprising everyone else.’ Since the pope’s jurisdiction extended de jure over infidels, he alone could call for a Christian invasion of an infidel’s domain. Even then, however, Innocent maintained that only a violation of natural law could precipitate such an attack. By adhering to the beliefs of their gods, infidels and pagans did not violate natural law. Thus, such beliefs did not provide justification for Christians to simply invade non-Christian polities, dispossess its inhabitants of their territory and freedom, or force them to convert. Innocent IV’s theological contribution resided in the fact that he accorded pagans and infidels dominium and therefore the right to live beyond the state of grace. . . .

‘by the end of the fourteenth century Innocent IV’s commentary . . .  had become the communis opinion of the canonists.’

A half century later, the imperial activities of Christian rulers again raised the issue about the infidel’s dominium. . . . Despite the shifting alliance characterizing Church-state relations in the late Middle Ages, temporal authorities in Christian Europe legitimized their rule and defined their actions on scriptural grounds. Christianity represented their ontological myth, the source of their traditions, and the banner under which they marched against the infidels. Initially, the Christian princes manifested some reluctance to distance themselves from this founding ideology, since to discard Christianity would mean that their dominium merely rested on the might of one particular lineage over another. Moreover, by abandoning the pretense to just war against the infidels, Christian sovereigns risked revealing that profit motivated their desire for expansion. In the context of the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the early modern period, commercial considerations stood in opposition to a Christian sovereign’s purported interests in honor and justice. In the early modern period, Christianity still served multiple purposes: it legitimized the ascendancy of a particular noble house while sanctioning elite dominium over the nonelite. In the face of powerful noble lineage, the position of the nascent absolutist rulers remained tenuous at best, and the prince was reluctant to dispense with the protective veneer that even diminished papal authority accorded. Still, the ambitious Iberian sovereigns manifested a willingness to interpret canon law in a manner that furthered their claims over infidels and Christians. . . .

Developments in Christendom also brought the dominium of the extra ecclesiam under renewed scrutiny. Since the Church defined all nonbelievers, including Saracens (a widely used term for infidels or those who willfully rejected the faith) and pagans (individuals who existed in ignorance of the faith) as the extra ecclesiam, it used the same laws and traditions in their treatment. In effect, the Church did not distinguish between the non-Christian minority in Europe and the extra ecclesiam residing beyond its de facto jurisdiction. Therefore, laws and practices shaping Church-state relations with nonbelievers in Europe set the precedent for Christian interaction with non-Christians in the wider Atlantic world. Beginning in the thirteenth century and in the context of the Reconquista, some Christian lords on the Iberian Peninsula started undermining the corporate bodies of Jews and Saracens by ordering those populations to adhere to Christian legal precepts and Iberian customary laws. While indicative of the Christians’ victory over the Moors, such practices represented a departure from Reconquista ethics. Throughout much of the Reconquista, victorious Christians and Moors often allowed their adversaries who remained under their territorial jurisdiction to adhere to their own beliefs and traditions. By the thirteenth century, when the tide favored Christians, the victorious rulers displayed less willingness to respect Moorish and Jewish corporate institutions and practices. This intransigence flourished at the very moment that Castilian scholars rediscovered Roman civil law, which they codified along with their customary practices in the Siete Partidas. Following this legal transformation, the Christian monarchs continued restricting the judicial autonomy of their Jewish and Moorish subjects. In 1412, this culminated in the most draconian legislation to date when it ‘forbade Jews and Moslems alike to have their own judges. Thenceforth, their cases, civil and criminal, were to be tried before ordinary judges of the districts where they lived. Criminal cases were to be decided according to Christians custom. . . .’

Though inimical to Innocent IV’s commentary granting the extra ecclesian dominium, the practice of curtailing Jewish and Moorish traditions reflected the ascendant hegemony of Hispania’s Christian rulers. These sovereigns, though zealous Christians, saw all corporate privileges as a threat to their centralizing aspirations. In their opinion, the inhabitants of their territory represented their subjects. Jews and Moors were not an exception. By their actions, Hispania’s Christian rulers contrived new forms of personhood. In a world defined by corporations with their accompanying rights and obligations, Jews and Moors embodied corporate-less beings that Christian authorities compelled to adhere to Christian laws and customary norms thereby forsaking their own legal traditions and customs. By undermining Jewish and Moorish courts, the Christian rulers redefined more than their relations to Jews and Moors.  As they dismantled the courts that had once enabled Jews and Moors to reproduce their distinctive juridical status, the Catholic sovereigns actually reconstituted the meaning of being a Jew or a Moor. Standing before Christian courts and officials whose rulings owed much to Christian ethics, the various diasporic populations – Jews, Moors, and Africans- lacked the protective shield of a culturally sanctioned corporate status. As such, they embodied one of the distinguishing features of the early modern period – individualism.

Understanding Portugal’s initial encounter with Guinea’s inhabitants requires juxtaposing the Church’s historical provenance over the extra ecclesiam against the secular state’s ascendancy. Despite the precedent established by Innocent IV’s commentary, temporal authorities drastically transformed their institutional interaction with the non-Christian minority, which carried over into their relationship with the peoples of Guinea. As the Church’s hegemony receded, the monarch’s power expanded, but dogma continued to affect the secular authorities’ practices and nascent traditions. Much of the imperial activity in the fifteenth century represented secular expansion that the papacy approved after the fact. Despite the secular nature of the Infante’s imperial activity Henrique (Prince Henry) continued to rely on the Reconquista rhetoric of just war and Christian conversion. But the motives informing Gomes Eannes de Zurara’s text and the language through which the Portuguese represented the ‘conquest of Guinea’ also underscores a discursive shift . . . . Irrespective of the transformations in Europe, which signaled a shift in the relationship between Christians and the extra ecclesiam, secular expansion, for reasons of legitimacy, had to contend with a tradition that acknowledged the infidels’ and pagans’ dominium and right to live as sinners. Grace, in other words, did not form the basis on which the rule of law rested. Non-Christian princes did, therefore, wield legitimate authority and constitute sovereign temporal authorities. As the Portuguese and subsequently the Castilians ventured farther south into the ‘land of the blacks,’ they constantly had to contend with theoretical and practical recognition that Guinea did not represent terra nullius (land that is legally deemed to be unoccupied or uninhabited).

Here is the first “legal” question – when Innocent IV concluded that “the law of nations had supplanted natural law in regulating human interaction “ and “the prince replaced the father, as the ‘lawful authority in society’ through God’s provenance, manifesting his dominium in the monopoly over justice and sanctioned violence,” how did that apply to our Balanta ancestors to whom, by natural law and customary law, “the family is the sole effective social and political unit”?

Wikipedia states:

“In his Institutiones (161 AD), the Roman jurist Gaius wrote that:

[Slavery is] the state that is recognized by the ius gentium in which someone is subject to the dominion of another person contrary to nature.

— Gaius, Institutiones 1.3.2

The 1st century BC Greek historian Dionysius of Halicarnassus indicates that the Roman institution of slavery began with the legendary founder Romulus giving Roman fathers the right to sell their own children into slavery, and kept growing with the expansion of the Roman state. Slave ownership was most widespread throughout the Roman citizenry from the Second Punic War (218–201 BC) to the 4th century AD. The Greek geographer Strabo  (1st Century AD) records how an enormous slave trade resulted from the collapse of the Seleucid Empire (100–63 BC).

The Twelve Tables, Rome's oldest legal code, has brief references to slavery, indicating that the institution was of long standing. In the tripartite division of law by the jurist Ulpian (2nd century AD), slavery was an aspect of the ius gentium, the customary international law held in common among all peoples (gentes). The "law of nations" was neither natural law, which existed in nature and governed animals as well as humans, nor civil law, which was the body of laws specific to a people.  All human beings are born free (liberi) under natural law, but slavery was held to be a practice common to all nations, who might then have specific civil laws pertaining to slaves. In ancient warfare, the victor had the right under the ius gentium to enslave a defeated population; however, if a settlement had been reached through diplomatic negotiations or formal surrender, the people were by custom to be spared violence and enslavement. The ius gentium was not a legal code, and any force it had depended on "reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct."

Slavery violated our Balanta ancestors’ Great Belief and egalitarian society. We intentionally did not form centralized state societies because of the inequality it produced. Thus, our Balanta ancestors could not have been a party to any ius gentium, the customary international law held in common among all peoples pertaining to slavery because it violated our customs. Therefore, there could be no “reasoned compliance with standards of international conduct”. Not only was slavery “illegal”, it was unfathomable to our Balanta ancestors.

It is customary, however, for Balanta to settle conflict by means of the moranca (household) or tabanca (group of households) and it was customary, as Bennet shows, for the Europeans to respect sovereign claims. Balanta sovereign claims reside at the level of the moranca (household), and this is inconceivable to the European mind.

In discussing this first encounter between our Balanta ancestors and the Portuguese Christians, Herman Bennet writes,

“With this auspicious inauguration, Gomes Eanes de Zurara, the House of Avis’s royal chronicler and archivist, introduced one of Portugal’s foundational texts: The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. Commissioned by the House of Avis, Zurara knew only too well that historical writing represented a construction- a process whereby patrons determined the primacy of certain narratives over others. . . . In this narratives production, the trope of Reconquista – the ideological myth of unwavering Christian opposition to Muslim domination of the Iberian Peninsula – was so pervasive that it conflated Islamic Moors and pagan Africans [Siphiwe note: and our “Saracentic” Balanta ancestors], a representational gesture that precluded first the Portuguese and subsequently Castilians from marveling at their novel encounter with Guinea’s inhabitants. . . .The contrast with ‘Indians’ or even Europeans did not, however, elicit images of a homogenous ‘black’ subject. The discourse of Reconquista, but especially canon law, wrought juridical differences among ‘Africa’s’ inhabitants – differences manifested in the language of sovereignty or the lack thereof. . . .

In the context of the Reconquista – the Christian-Moorish conflict over the possession of the Iberian Peninsula that began in the eighth century – conquista represented a Christian sovereign’s dominium extending from a permanently settled village, town or city to the immediate hinterland and its inhabitants. But as The Chronicle unfolds, the Portuguese do not act in accordance to existing definitions of conquest. During their initial voyages along Guinea’s coast, the Portuguese not only eschew establishing a settlement, either peacefully or by force; they also make no effort to contract a treaty so as to acquire a territorial claim to ‘the land of blacks.’ With several noteworthy exceptions, the initial Portuguese encounter with Guinea constituted chattel raids. Such raids underscore the commercial imperatives of those ‘notable deeds’ and of Portugal’s conquests. With Christian ascendancy over the Moors largely ensured, the Portuguese and subsequently the Castilian temporal authorities attached new meanings to the term conquista. In the Reconquista’s waning decades, commerce and the possession of bodies, not territory, signified the ‘notable deeds. . . . achieved in the Conquest of Guinea.’ Despite their increasing temporal preoccupations, the princes and their chroniclers employed the conquest rhetoric so as to invoke images of Christian Crusades, just wars, and the conversion of infidels. For Portugal’s princes, Christian zeal played a connected yet secondary role to profit and strategic knowledge about commercial opportunities. . . .

Prompted southward by profit, the Portuguese charted Guinea’s physical and human landscape in accordance with their commercial sensibility. While the quest for profits propelled the Portuguese encounter with Guinea’s inhabitants, long-standing practices scripted the interaction between Christians and non-Christians and led Zurara to depict the Portuguese expeditions as a Reconquista. During the Reconquista, Christians enslaved infidels under the pretext of a just war, yet irrespective of these religious imperatives, ransom still represented a viable option. But when blackamoors, as opposed to Moors, became the victims of the Portuguese raids, the practice of accepting ransom for religious captives ended – since they quickly became slaves for life. This transformation underscores developments in the emergent Atlantic economy and the concomitant evolution of an early modern commercial sensibility that gradually untangled itself from its Christian foundations. . . . Consequently, the Church continued to accord infidels and pagans the right to have an existence beyond the state of grace, while consenting that those who had been legitimately enslaved could be reduced to chattel. Yet even among chattel, the Church maintained some dominion – especially over their souls – and in an effort to affect the Christian republica’s spiritual well-being imposed itself between masters and their property. . . .

As the Portuguese shifted their gaze southward under Henrique’s influence, their motive was commerce not conversion. Henrique wanted ‘to know the land’ so that ‘many kinds of merchandise might be brought to this realm, which would find a ready market.’ At this historic moment, however, commerce could not enter posterity as the sole motive behind a noble’s behavior. Thus, in listing five reasons why the Infante manifested an interest in ‘the land beyond,’ Zurara wrote that Henrique’s final reason represented a ‘great desire to make increase in the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ.’

In 1434, under the Infante’s encouragement ‘to gain . . . honour and profit,’ the squire Gil Eanes finally reached ‘the land beyond’ when he rounded the Cape of Bojador. . . and tcAccording to Zurara, they ‘saw a country very different from that former one – for that was sandy and untilled, and quite treeless, like a country where there was no water – while this other land they saw to be covered with palms and other green and beautiful trees.’ Eventually the Portuguese rendered geographical dissimilarities into customary and ultimately juridical distinctions, separating Moors from blackamoors. The quest ‘to know’ and the concomitant desire for profit encouraged the Portuguese penchant for specificity. In his quest to offer the ‘more perfect knowledge’, Zurara revised his earlier observations that Guinea included the ‘land of the Moors’. . . .

In 1441, twenty-six years after the conquest of Ceuta, the Portuguese expedition under Antao Goncalves landed near Cabo Blanco in present-day Mauritania. Following a brief skirmish ‘in the land of Guinea’ with a ‘naked man following a camel’, the Portuguese enslaved their first Moor. . . . By their actions, the Portuguese launched the transatlantic slave trade in whose wake the early modern African diaspora emerged and in which the ‘slave’ constituted the charter subject. Through the capture of the “Mooress’, but in particular by marking her as distinct from the Moors on the basis of juridical status and phenotype, the Portuguese introduced a taxonomy that distinguished Moors from blackamoors, infidels from pagans, and Africans from blacks, sovereign from sovereignless subjects, and free persons from slaves. Shortly thereafter, the Portuguese employed this human measure, formulated via a black woman’s body, so as to delineate who could be ‘legitimately’ enslaved.

Though the Portuguese discerned a difference between the Moors and the blackamoors, this initially did not preclude the enslavement of the former. Arriving in Goncalves’s wake, Nuno Tristao ‘brought with him an armed caravel’ intent on capturing ‘some of the people of the country.’ On learning of his compatriots’ deeds, the zealous Nuno Tristao insisted that ‘what is still better. . . [is] for us to carry many more; for . . . profit.’ According to Zurara, Tristao led a nocturnal raid against the Moors who Goncalves had previously sighted. In the ensuing raid, the Portuguese took an additional ten ‘prisoners’, including a noble named Adahu. . . .

In Sagres, Zurara’s concern shifted from the profit obtained through raiding to the captives’ spiritual salvation. Zurara insisted that ‘the greater benefit was theirs, for though their bodies were now brought into some subjection, that was a small matter in comparison of their souls, which would now possess true freedom for evermore.’ After recounting the intricacies of the captives’ partition, Zurara directed his attention to the noble Adahu. ‘As you know,’ Zurara stated, ‘every prisoner desireth to be free, which desire is all the stronger in a man of higher reason or nobility.’ ‘Seeing himself held in captivity,’ Adahu offered Goncalves ‘five or six Black Moors’ in return for his freedom and promised a similar ransom for two youths that were also held captive. Tempted by his desire to ‘serve the Infante his lord’ who was intent on know[ing] part of that land,’ Goncalves immediately committed himself to another expedition that included Adahu and the two youths. ‘For as the Moor told’ him, ‘the least they would give for them would be ten Moors.’ According to Zurara, ‘It was better to save ten souls than three – for though they were black, yet had they souls like the others, and all the more as these blacks were not of the lineage of the Moors but were Gentiles, and so the better to bring into the path of salvation.’ In addition to the quantity of souls, Adahu promised ‘the blacks could give. . . .news of the land further distant.’

Prompted by profit, souls and strategic curiosity, the Portuguese expedition under Goncalves landed near the Rio d’ Ouro (River of Gold) where they met two Moors who instructed them to wait. The Moors returned with an entourage numbering a hundred ‘male and female,’ thus revealing ‘that those youth were in great honour among them.’ Goncalves exchanged his two captives for ‘ten blacks, male and females, from various countries.’  . . .

The episode underscored Portuguese awareness of differences among Africans. Accordingly, it was the Moor, who, because of his superior status, valued freedom more than blacks. The Portuguese quickly equated status with sovereignty and the lack thereof with the legitimate enslavement of certain individuals. Though the Portuguese captured both Moors and the ‘black Mooress,’ they had already started distinguishing between sovereign ‘Moorish’ subjects and those ‘Moors,’ ‘Negros,’ and ‘black’ that they could legitimately enslave. Zurara observed that the ‘black Mooress,’ unlike the valiant yet vanquished ‘Moor,’ represented the ‘legitimately’ unfree. . . . As the Portuguese encountered more of Guinea’s inhabitants the terms ‘Black Moors’ ‘blacks,’ “Ethiops,’ ‘Guineas,’ and ‘Negroes,’ or the descriptive terms to which a religious signifier was appended such as ‘Moors. . . [who] were Gentiles’ and ‘pagans’ gradually constituted the rootless and sovereignless – and in many cases, simply ‘slaves’.

As the Portuguese perceived distinctions among the peoples they encountered and began acting in accordance with these perceptions, Infante Henrique sought to cultivate papal approval for his subjects’ deeds. By linking Portugal’s activities in Guinea with the conquest of Ceuta, the Infante stressed how spiritual imperatives motivated exploration along the Atlantic littoral. In his diplomatic entreaty, Infante Henrique minimized the commercial incentive and fashioned the ‘toils of that conquest’ into a ‘just war’ under the banner of a Christian Crusade. In his response a papal bull – Eugenius IV unwittingly underscored the extent of the Infante’s misrepresentation and the Church’s willingness to perpetuate this fiction. Romanus pontifex  (1433), the first in a series of papal bulls issued during the fifteenth century that regulated Christian expansion, sanctioned the Infante’s request and Portugal’s alleged mission in Guinea since  ‘we strive for those things that may destroy the errors and wickedness of the infidels and  . . . our beloved son and noble baron Henry . . . .purposeth to go in person, with his men at arms, to those lands, that are held by them and guide his army against them.’ For Pope Eugenius, the Infante’s alleged ‘war’ constituted a Christian counteroffensive, which if successful would undermine the ‘Turks’ military presence in the Mediterranean. . . . Though Pope Eugenius claimed that his ‘beloved son’ and ‘Governor of the Order of Christ’ intended to ‘make war under the banner of the said order against. . . Moors and other enemies of the faith,’ Henrique’s and his subjects’ motives did not resonate in the ‘aforesaid war.’ The territorial charter granted by Portugal’s regent prince, Infante Pedro to his brother Henrique, included exclusive jurisdiction over Guinea and thus underscores the Infante’s true interests and commercial acumen. Desiring legitimacy for his commercial imperatives and wanting to prevent other princes from encroaching on Portugal’s ‘conquests,’ Infante Henrique invoked the rhetoric of a just war so as to solicit papal patronage. In order to receive the charter from Portugal’s regent and his brother, Infante Pedro, Henrique did not need to mask his intentions in the trope of the Reconquista. Through tactical representation, Henrique acquired an exclusive character to mediate between Christians and Guinea’s inhabitants.

In soliciting papal approval, Henrique manifested the ways in which the early modern prince – a temporal authority with decidedly secular interests – continued to rely on Christian legitimization. Henrique, by his actions, acknowledged the Church’s imagined jurisdiction beyond Christendom’s borders and over the extra ecclesiam. . . .”

West Africa: Quest For Gold and God 1475-1578 by John W. Blake recalls,

The main purpose of the Portuguese crown was always to exploit the Guinea trades to the highest royal advantage, but its methods varied, for different schemes were tried, according to the particular preference of the reigning king. . . . Nevertheless, through all the superficial fluctuations of economic policy, we may discern a constant effort to make profit by the creation of monopolies. . . . Private merchants, the subjects of soverigns who have no legal claim to Guinea, will equip ships to make the traffic in spite of papal prohibitions, Portuguese protests and threats, and the lurking dangers of the Ocean. . . .

The events of the war with Castile had shown that, if the Guinea monopoly was to be upheld, steps must be taken to protect it. Moreover, there were signs of unwelcome activity in the ports of Flanders and England, and indications that Florentine, Genoese, English and Flemish merchants wanted to share in the gold trade. These reasons, combined with vague fears of what the future might have in store, drove the Portuguese, immediately after the return of Columbus from his first voyage of discovery to the west, to seek a confirmation of their monopoly. Their efforts were rewarded in 1493-4 by papal bulls and the Treaty of Tordesillas. . . .

The two powers ceased, after 1494, to compete in West Africa. Nevertheless, a bilateral treaty was insufficient to deter the governments of France and England from encouraging their mariners to venture in the Guinea Traffic. . . .

Fifty years of quiet consolidation in Guinea came to an abrupt end in 1530. . . . Portuguese merchants, thus left alone, seized the opportunity to build up a profitable trade, and Portuguese missionaries undertook the evangelization of many of the negro tribes. . . .

Until 1553, the part played by Englishmen in West Africa was negligible.

LEGAL ISSUES EFFECTING BALANTA AS A RESULT OF CONTACT WITH THE ENGLISH

DEVELOPMENT OF LEGAL ISSUES DURING THE BALANTA MIGRATION PERIOD

Excerpts from Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volumes 2-3

The ORIGIN OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES has already been documented. When people violated our ancestor’s Great Belief, set up kings and governments, imposed authority, and forced them to pay taxes, our ancestors either rebelled or migrated.

Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volume 2 documents how the descendants of Baba Amuntu Abansundu (human beings who are black) who had violated the Great Belief, foreign descendants of Baba Amuntu Abamhlope (human beings who are white), and their mixed breed mulatto offspring ALL engaged in enslaving Anu peoples that did not migrate with our ancestors and instead, chose to stay behind in Ta-Meri and Ta-Nihisi (Lower and Upper Egypt). The persecution and enslavement intensified with the rise of Islam and their jihads (conquests) starting in 641 AD and spread across Northern and Western Africa. Our Balanta ancestors avoided war, capture and enslavement by migrating west to escape the invasion from the east and keeping to the southern Sahel corridor to avoid the invasion from the north.

The Destruction of Black Civilization, p. 97 by Chancellor Williams

The Destruction of Black Civilization, p. 97 by Chancellor Williams

In this way Balanta maintained their freedom for over 4,300 years and did not violate their Great Belief against successive persecutions from the Mesinu (followers of Horus at Edfu), Themehu (Libyans), the Shashu and Habiru (Hyksos), Persians, Greeks, Romans, Byzantines, Christians, Moslems, Magumi of Duguwa (Kanem) and Tumagera, Ma-Ba-U (Hausa), Soninke of Wagadu (Ghana), Tuareg (Berbers), Almoravids in Wagadu (Ghana), Keita Clan (Mali), the Sunni Dynasty (Songhay), the Askia Dynasty (Songhay), the Moors, Fulbe (Fulani coming from the west), and lastly, by the twelfth century, the Manding of the Kaabu Kingdom. It was the Christian jihad, started in 1424, which would prove to be the undoing for the Balanta that were captured and taken to the Americas.

Balanta Migration

Balanta Migration

All throughout their migrations, the Balanta suffered persecution from people that wanted to impose their foreign religious beliefs and impose taxes. This is illustrated, for example, in the relationship of the Balanta people and the Soninke people and the Empires of Wagadu (Ghana), Mali, and Songhay. In Exiled Egyptian: The Heart of Africa, Moustafa Gadalla writes,

Ginne

Jenne is the Arabic pronunciation of Ginne/Guinea . . . . which is an ancient Egyptian term meaning ancestor spirit.

The mound, which represents the first site of Ginne (Jenne) has demonstrated the existence of a town of some 80 acres, flourishing from about the mid-8th century to about 1100, and reached its greatest size late in about 850 CE. Genne was founded by Soninke merchants and served as a trading post between the traders from the western and central Soudan and those from Guinea and was directly linked to the important trading city of Timbuktu, located 250 miles (400 km) downstream on the Niger River.

Ancient Ginne (Jenne) thrived until at least 1000 CE. It was a large, heterogenous community of no fewer than 10,000 souls that included specialists providing services to an integrated hinterland. Then, a slow decline in occupation and early abandonment of hinterland villages anticipated final desertion of Ginne (Jenne) about 1400. This was all related to Islamic jihads, by the Keita clan of ancient Mali, and the later expansionist Islamic rulers of Songhai. . . .

The people of Ginne had the same exact founding story as that of Wagadu (ancient Ghana), for both were clearly founded by the Soninke/Sa-u.”

Whenever the Soninke moved west along the Nile river, they found indigenous people already living there. Like the Gow and Do people, our Balanta ancestors also migrated along the river prior to the Soninke and comprised the “integrated hinterland” Gadalla refers to. Why isn’t this known?

Consider what Philip Curtin writes in Chapter 3, Africa North of the Forest in the Early Islamic Age, in African History: From Earliest Times to Independence:

“No simple hypothesis can account for all these cultural patterns [in the Sahel] . . . and no true explanation is likely to be simple. The horizon of written and oral history combined hardly goes back more than a thousand years anywhere along the Sahel, except in the Nile Valley. Add another 3,000 years for the Nile Valley itself and we still cover only a tiny fraction of human experience. Within the time period we know about, however, we have evidence of dramatic changes over a few centuries. . . . .

One striking difference between African and Western history is that Western history is almost always set within the framework of the state. Even during the disturbances after the fall of Rome, the state remained the aspiration, whatever the reality. Partly for this reason, when Europeans first began to consider African history, they took the existence of states as a mark of political achievement – the bigger the state, the bigger the achievement. Recent authorities, however, suggest that this view is far from accurate. At some levels of technology, state administration may only draw off part of the social product for officials and courtiers who contributed little or nothing to create it in the first place. Many Africans apparently reached this conclusion: states and stateless societies have existed side by side over nearly two millennia, without the stateless peoples feeling a need to copy the institutions of their more organized neighbors. Whether statelessness should have been preferable or not, it was clearly preferred.

This fact has left some difficult gaps for historians of Africa. Stateless societies leave few records. Their political operations are far too subtle and complex to be described accurately by early travelers from abroad, whether Arab or European. Oral traditions find no ‘great men’ to celebrate. Genealogies are crucial to the operations of these societies, but people tend to remember everybody’s genealogy for two to five generations rather than that of the ruling family for thirty. As a result, our only information on the way stateless societies changed is that gathered in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Yet as many as a quarter of all the people in West Africa belonged to stateless societies at the beginning of the colonial period. Historians of earlier periods simply have to leave them out. The only remedy is to look at statelessness in the recent past for hints as to what it might have been like earlier.

Thus, we can understand something about our Balanta ancestors by studying the states with whom they lived adjacent and whom they rejected or resisted becoming a part of in order to maintain their own racial identity, dignity and religion.

Wagadu Commonwealth (Ghana)

“Right after the end of Egypto-Nubian Antiquity,” writes Diop,

the Empire of Ghana soared like a meteor from the mouth of the Niger to the Senegal River, circa the third century A.D. Viewed in this perspective, African history proceeded without interruption. The first Nubian dynasties were prolonged by the Egyptian dynasties until the occupation of Egypt by the Indo-Europeans, starting in the fifth century B.C. Nubia remained the sole source of culture and civilization until about the sixth century A.D., and then Ghana seized the torch from the sixth century until 1240, when its capital was destroyed by Sundiata Keita. This heralded the launching of the Mandingo Empire (capital: Mali). . . . Next came the Empire of Gao, the Empire of Yatenga (or Mossi), the kingdoms of Djoloff and Cayor (in Senegal), destroyed by Faidherbe under Napoleon III. In listing this chronology, we have simply wanted to show that there was no interruption in African history. It is evident that, if starting from Nubia and Egypt, we had followed a continental geographical direction, such as Nubia- Gulf of Benin, Nubia-Congo, Nubia-Mozambique, the course of African history would still have appeared to be uninterrupted. This is the perspective in which the African past should be viewed. So long as it is avoided, the most learned speculations will be headed for lamentable failure, for there are no fruitful speculations outside of reality.”

Gadalla informs us:

“The new settlers, led by the Soninke, in this most westerly location, formed a confederation that covered much of today’s Mali, parts of Senegal and Mauritania. The Soninke called their new homeland, Wagadu. It is commonly known as the Ghana Kingdom. . . .

Al-Fazari wrote in the 9th century, that Wagadu was known in Morocco as The Land of Gold, suggesting that both Ghana and its trade links with North Africa were well established by the time of his writing. Wagadu was known to pay for trade items, such as salt and luxury items, with gold.

The Soninke also sold food products to desert nomads. Trade routes branched out into a network of intercontinental trade. According to Soninke traditions passed down by word of mouth from one generation to the next, the beginning of their confederation dates back to abut 700 CE. . . .

The Soninke were not the only people who lived in ancient Ghana, but they occupied controlling positions in the political, economic, and other aspects of life. . . . Oral traditions state that the Soninke came from the east, along the Sahel. Oral traditions stress that the locals were ruled by ‘white people’ i.e. light color skin or dark skin with fine features, before Islam arrived.

In 1067-8 CE, the Cordoban geographer al-Bakri put together a fairly comprehensive account of Wagadu, its cities and its trade activities. Al-Bakri remarked that properly Ghana is the title of the king. The name may thus derive from the Malinke word gana or kana meaning chief. The name al-Bakri gives for the king reigning in his day is Tunka Manin, and tunka/timka/dinga means chief in Soninke. . . . “

Soninke oral traditions tell of a time when all Soninke lived together in a place they remember as ‘Wagadu’, but the displeasure of the gods stopped the rain for seven full years. ‘Wagadu’ turned to desert, and the people had to flee to the south.

However, it is important to remember that the Soninke in Wagadu were not friends with Balanta. John Jackson reminds us in Introduction to African Civilizations,

The Soninke rulers built up an empire by subduing neighboring tribes. This was comparatively easy, since the Ghanaians had fine weapons and tools of iron, and their neighbors did not. Besides iron, Ghana possessed another source of wealth that made it a power to be reckoned with, namely a seemingly inexhaustible supply of gold. . . .

Gadalla continues:

“The Empire of Ghana started out as a kingdom, then annexed other kingdoms, and, like many other kingdoms of the past, evolved into an empire. . . . The Soninkes spoke the Mande language, and in that tongue, Ghana meant ‘warrior king’, and was adopted as one of the titles of the King of Wagadu. Another title of the king was Kaya Magha (‘king of gold’), in allusion to the vast gold treasures of the country. As the fame of the Soninke warrior kings, or Ghanas, spread over North Africa, the people there referred to both the king and the nation over which he ruled as ‘Ghana’. Early Islamic merchants, most of them from Syria, followed the soldiers and administrators into northern Africa. Later, as stability was assured and wealth increased, traders were drawn to the regions of sub-Sahara Africa. Interior trade routes were utilized, and the camel, which had been in general use in North Africa since before the 3rd century, provided the means for traversing the desert. . . . By the 10th century, a number of major trans-Saharan routes had been developed.

Exiled Egyptians: The Heart of Africa by Moustafa Gadalla, p.173

Exiled Egyptians: The Heart of Africa by Moustafa Gadalla, p.173

The Arab conquest of North Africa, by the early 8th century CE, concluded with lightning success. In a matter of months, a strip of territory, 100-200 miles deep, was under Arab control – all the way from the borders of Egypt to the Atlantic coast.

The North African and Arabian slave trade was vigorous, and the demand for slaves was high. Islamic law forbade the enslavement of free Moslems but tolerated the continued enslavement of peoples who converted after their capture. In the years of Islamic conquest, the pastoral Berber people had provided the bulk of these slaves. The larger part of the population north of the Atlas Mountains became converts to Islam and therefore could not legally be enslaved.

Starting in the 10th century CE, in order to keep the supply up to the demand, the Arab traders conspired with the nomad Berbers to organize raids, under the guise of Islamic jihads, into neighboring provinces where traditional African religions were practiced. These raids, more than anything, caused many people to declare conversion to Islam prior to being captured, to avoid the horrible raids of killing, kidnapping, enslaving and family break-ups. . . .

Because traditional ancient Egyptian and African religions don’t have a doctrine and are not mobilized in a cult-type camp with rules and regulations, they accept everyone’s right to believe in any way they wish. The Arabs/Moslems enjoyed this right when they settled among the peaceful people. However, the native people became a victim of their own charity.

In order to penetrate the society, Moslem clerics preached ‘social injustice’, a slogan intended to start a class warfare. . . . The preachers of ‘social injustice’ were behind the largest human enslavement in the history of mankind.

Another tactic was for the Moslem/Arab traders to help one side or the other in local disputes, i.e. to get a foothold, and then betray. Divide and conquer.

Though many Moslems lived in Wagadu (ancient Ghana), worked there, and even served the King, the tolerant people treated them fairly and in a friendly way. By 1050, a powerful new force swept through West Africa. A Moslem preacher named Ibn Yacin founded his Almoravid sect, a fanatic group of Moslems. The Almoravids, however, did not return the Ghanaian’s religious freedom in kind.

One of the Almoravids’ targets was Wagadu, whose Kings had repeatedly refused to convert to Islam.

Jihad

The Islamic doctrine calls on Moslems to spread Islam, even by force if necessary. As a result, any Moslem with a superior arm can force his religion by killing others. The unarmed people have no choice but to convert to Islam or die. This self-righteous Moslem may choose instead to enslave any and all members of a non-Moslem family. Spreading Islam by ALL means is not an option, but a duty required by the Islamic doctrine.

There were also sanctions for pursuing the jihad, or holy war, against those who had not been converted. Those who die in battle against non-Moslems, would die in a holy cause.

Each of these Islamic jihads had the same process. Just like any terror campaign, they required financing and hiring of mercenaries. All these terror campaigns started at the beginning point of Islam, i.e. Mecca. The story is the same all along the 2000-mile (3200 km) Sahel. For about 1000 years – a Moslem cleric, or leader, living in Africa, goes to Mecca, gets financial support, and is assigned as a ‘Moslem deputy caliph’ in his African region. He returns to declare Islamic jihad and supplies his masters with more slaves.

It always started with the usual intimidation, a (Moslem) gang will deliver a message to the leader of the peaceful non-Moslem group, to embrace Islam. Once people refuse and/or ignore this unsolicited intimidation, then as shamelessly stated in the Tarikh es Soudan (Soudan Chronicles), the Gangsters declared that it is:

‘Their duty is to fight them and straightaway, the Moslem fighters launched war against them, killing a number of their men, devastating their fields, plundering their habitations, and taking their children into captivity. All of the men and women who were taken away as captives were made the object of divine benediction [converted to Islam].’

Almoravids in Wagadu

In the deserts north of the Wagadu (Ghana) Commonwealth, a Berber group of gangsters, called the Almoravids, started attacking peaceful settlements and villages.

The traditional story of the beginnings of the Almoravids is that Yahia ibn Ibrahim, made a pilgrimage to Mecca. On his return journey, he met Ibn Yacin, whom he persuaded to accompany him to Audaghost, where they preached the practice of Islam. The preaching of Ibn Yacin, however, irritated the people of the area. After the death of Yahia, his protector, Ibn Yacin was forced to retire with his followers to an island in the Senegal River.

Since he couldn’t convince the people to convert to Islam by choice, Yacin followed the Islamic doctrine, to force it by the sword. He proclaimed a jihad, and in 1054 CE, Audaghost fell to the Almoravids. Over a period of five years, between 1054 and 1059, the Almoravid terrorists captured the Moroccan city of Sijilmasa, a hub in the trans-Saharan trade route, and from there commanded ceaseless attacks against the main center of Wagadu (ancient Ghana).

After Ibn Yacin’s death in 1057, a follower nabbed Abu Bakr assumed leadership of the Almoravid terrorist forces in the southern Sahara. In 1062, he began attacking Wagadu. By 1067, the Almoravid terrorists were hammering at the gates of Koumbi, believed to be the main city in Wagadu.

Under King Bassi and his successor, King Tunka Manin, Wagadu resisted heroically for almost a decade. But in 1076 or 1077, the Almoravids were able to destroy the cities and slew many of the citizens and seized their property.

On the death of Abu Bakr in 1087, Almoravid power south of the Sahara simply fell apart. The Almoravids’ stay in Wagadu had been relatively short, but it proved disruptive.

 

Keita Clan

While the Soninke lived just south of the Sahara Desert, in the Wagadu Confederation, the Malinke occupied mostly the middle and southern parts of the savannah, near the forest belt. There was peaceful coexistence between both the Soninke and the Malinke (Mandinka). Actually, they both belong to the Mande people.

The Keita Clan was one of many groups near the forest belt. They were originally centered in Kangaba, on the Niger River, which was about 250 miles south of Koumbi.

Exiled Egyptians: The Heart of Africa by Moustafa Gadalla, p.173

Exiled Egyptians: The Heart of Africa by Moustafa Gadalla, p.173

In 1230, Sundiata was declared the chief of Kangaba. . .

Sundiata Kangaba began to expand his authority by force, in the name of Islam. His forces began the ugly slave raiding and trade, with their Moslem masters. So, Sundiata became the first main sub-Sahara supplier of slaves.

In order for the aggressive Keita gangsters to justify attacking their northern neighbors, they came up with the story that they were threatened by the Soninke. The Almoravid Berbers who couldn’t destroy the Soninke, got Sundiata to attack them.

In 1235, at the battle of Kirina, Sundiata defeated the Soninke army. Five years later, all of Wagadu was incorporated into his domains, destroying a peaceful civilization. Sundiata shifted his place of residence from Jeriba in Kangaba to a new city, Niani, further down the Niger.

The term Mali, meaning where the king lives, came to be applied to the new Mandingo State created by Sundiata’s Keita Clan.”

Mali

Gadalla continues:

“After Sundiata, the rulers of the Islamic empire assumed the title of Mansa, which means emperor or sultan.

Since Sundiata was not in very good health, his immediate successor-son, Uli (c. 1255-1270), began the tradition among the ruling Keita Clan of following the wishes of their Moslem masters, by making a haj, a pilgrimage to the Moslem capital at Mecca, on the Arabian Peninsula. He came back infused with Mecca’s authority to attack his neighbors, in yet more Islamic jihads. Immediately thereafter, the Keita Clan of Kangaba conquered territories, stretching from mid-Senegal to the border of Niger.

The oral history of the Malinke from the 1200s onward stresses the connection of the Malinke to Islam so as to appease their Moslem masters. An outlandish link of Sundiata’s ancestor with Arabia is believed to be an example of this ‘connection.’

The Keita Clan emerged as a dominant power in sub-Sahara Africa, and controlled the trans-Saharan trades from about 1200 to 1500CE. In the days of the Keita Islamic rule, a major trading rout across the Sahara to Tunis and to Cairo, was utilized often, because Moslem rulers needed slaves that the Keita Clan was obliged to provide. The Keita Clan betrayed their own kind, to make riches. Gradually the northeast trade route became the main one.

The new illegitimate dictatorial Islamic rule eliminated the matrilineal succession system. As a consequence, in the thirty years following the death of Sundiata, the Keita Islamic rule had five rulers.

There were three main periods of bloody disorder in the Keita’s rule, created by disputed claims to the throne. The first showed Sundiata succeeded by three sons, Uli, Wali, and Khalifa. The last son, Khalifa, was overthrown in a bloody coup by the adherents of Abu Bakr, considered to be the rightful heir, as the son of one of Sundiata’s daughters. Abu Bakr then took power.

Sakura, a freed slave of the royal family, managed to secure control of the army, and overthrew Abu Bakr’s reign in another bloody coup. Sakura was also overthrown in yet another bloody coup.

The third emperor of the 14th century, a descendant of a brother of Sundiata, was (Kankan) Mousa, who went to the Islamic-besieged Cairo and Mecca, in 1324, where he was infused with authority to attack more neighbors and abduct more slaves, in the name of Islamic jihads.

On his return from Mecca, he conquered Gao and took two of its princes as hostages, along with other children of neighboring communities. These children acted as shields, preventing the Gao people from attacking Mousa’s court.

After Mansa Mousa’s death, probably in 1337, a brief struggle for power ensued before Sulayman, Mousa’s brother, came to the throne in 1341. After his death in 1360, various factions of the Keita Clan began to compete with each other for power, and their hold on power disintegrated.

In short, the empire was maintained by the exercise of dominion of a quasi-Islamic ruling class, by force (al-Umari writes of an army of 100,000, with 10,00 cavalry), for their own profit. As far as the Mande/Malinke subjects were concerned, they have never accepted this illegitimate exercise of power, and were never converted to Islam by their Moslem overlords. They maintained their indigenous traditions.”

Neither were the Balanta ancestors accepting of the illegitimate power, nor did they convert to Islam. Here then, is the ACTUAL point of connection between our most ancient Balanta ancestors, the Anu living in Ta-Nihisi (Nubia, Sudan) and the Balanta living today in Guinea Bissau. Walter Hawthorne writes in Strategies of the Decentralized, in the book Fighting The Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf:

“The Balanta claim that the region between the Rios Mansoa and Geba – an area they call Nhacra, which is part of the broader region of Oio – is their homeland. The Balanta say that they migrated there ‘in times long past’ from somewhere in the east. In addition, Balanta migration myths have two other common threads: the Balanta left the east because of conflicts with either state-based Mandinka or Fula, and these conflicts resulted from a Balanta propensity for stealing from their more prosperous neighbors or desire to avoid enslavement. For example, elder Estanislau Correia Landim told me, ‘The origin of the Balanta was in Mali. For reasons involving Balanta thefts, Malianos revolted against the Balanta. For this reason, Balanta left there. That is, some Balanta were stealing some things. When a thief was discovered, he resolved to kill the person who had discovered him. For this reason, Malianos chased after the Balanta. . . . When the Balanta left Mali, they went to Nhacra and then to Mansoa.”

After Mansa Musa

John Jackson writes,

“Under [Mansa] Musa I, the Mali Empire embraced an area just about equal to that of western Europe. . . . [T]he lifeblood of the empire was trade; and taxes were the paramount source of income for the government. . . . foreign merchants who traded in Mali marveled at the prosperity of the region and noticed that even the common people were not oppressed by poverty. . . .

When Musa I died in 1332, he was succeeded by his son Maghan. Mansa Maghan was neither as wise nor able as his father, and during this reign Mali went into a decline. First, the city of Timbuktu was lost to enemy forces. . . . Secondly, Mansa Maghan was not alert enough to prevent the escape of the two Songhay princes whom his father had been holding as hostages. The escaped princes returned to Gao, where they established a new Songhay dynasty. Maghan died after a four-year reign, and was succeeded by his uncle, Sulayman – a brother of Mans Musa I. Mansa Sulayman was a sovereign of high competence, and he ably presided over the destinies of Mali until his death in 1359.

The great age of Mali was now at an end; for the later rulers were undistinguished men, under whom the empire disintegrated. About the year 1475, the Songhay Empire, with its capital at Gao, rose to supremacy in the west Sudan, as Mali continued to decline. In 1481 Portuguese sailors landed on the Atlantic coast of Mali. The Mali government attempted to hire these Portuguese as mercenaries to fight the rising power of Songhay, but the proposed alliance was never effected. Mali lingered on for nearly two centuries, but its day of greatness had passed into history, and if finally expired from innocuous desuetude. . . .

Songhay

We have told of the escape of the Songhay princes, Ali Kolon and Sulayman Nar, from their captivity in Mali. Ali Kolon, as legitimate heir to the Songhay throne, followed the last ruler of the Dia dynasty, and established a new line of monarchs called the ‘Sunni’, which means ‘replacement’. During the greater part of the fourteenth century and first half of the fifteenth century, the Sunni dynasty of Songhay gradually extended its sway of the territory of the declining empire of Mali. When in the year 1464, Sunni Ali the Great succeeded to the Songhay throne, an age of great achievements began. The new age was heralded by the capture of Timbuktu, a center of both commerce and culture. It was a place where the river people and the nomads of the desert met for trading purposes; and it was also the seat of the celebrated University of Sankore, which attracted scholars and students from many near and distant lands.

Another great metropolis coveted by Songhay rulers was Jenne, a city established in the thirteenth century by the Soninkes of Ghana. This city was situated in the backwaters of the Benue River (a tributary of the Niger), about three hundred miles southwest of Timbuktu. The Mali had made ninety-nine attempts to capture Jenne during the days of their supremacy in the western Sudan, and finally gave up. But Sunni Ali of Songhay was able to add that city to his expanding domains. After bringing Timbuktu into the fold, he decided that Jenne should be next on his agenda of conquest.  The capitulation of Jenne was no pushover, for the siege of the city lasted for seven years, seven months and seven days. . . .

Sunni Ali the Great incorporated much of the territory of the old Mali Empire into his own realm, and before his death in 1492 he had become one of the most famous rulers of his day. In North Africa he was regarded as the greatest sovereign south of the Sahara, and in the annals of Europe we find him mentioned as Sunni Heli, King of Timbuktu, whose empire extended to the coast of the Atlantic Ocean. The son of Sunni Ali inherited the throne and, though nominally a Moslem, he was, like his late father a pagan at heart. Some of his Moslem subjects attempted to convert him to what they regarded as the true faith, but the new sovereign rejected these overtures, taking the position that his personal religious convictions were none of the business of his subjects. The Moslem group staged a revolution, dethroned the incumbent ruler, and elevated Askia Mohammed I, a devout Moslem, to the supreme leadership of the Songhay Empire.

The first sovereign of the Askia dynasty enjoyed much popularity among his Moslem subjects. He relished the society of lawyers, doctors, and students of the Islamic persuasion. . . . Like every good Moslem, he was eager to make the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina; and, in the year 1495, he proceeded to do so, accompanied by an army of 1,000 infantry and a cavalry detachment of 500 horsemen. Some 300,000 pieces of gold were allotted for the financing of this trip. . . . While in Egypt, Askia Mohammed was honored in a special ceremony by the Caliph of Cairo, who appointed him as his personal representative in the Songhay Empire.

Since many neighboring countries were inhabited by pagans, Askia Mohammed considered it his duty as a Moslem potentate to launch a series of jihads (holy wars), in order to bring these infidels into the fold. For example, he annexed the territory of the Mossi, on his southern border, and seized a large number of Mossi children, whom he reared as Moslems and trained for service in his army. In or near the year 1513, the Askia led the armed forces of Songhay into the Hausa States, a complex of kingdoms between Lake Chad and the Niger River. In time all the Hausa States except Kano capitulated. After a siege of one year, the king of Kano sued for peace. . . . After consolidating his Hausa conquests, the Askia subdued the nomad Tuaregs of Air, and settled a Songhay colony in that region. The military record of the Askia was not crowned with complete success, for one kingdom proved itself invincible, Kebbi, a small kingdom, wedged between the Hausa states and the Niger River, was ruled by King Kanta. This ruler, protected by the strong walls of his capital city, was able to maintain the independence of his nation.

Askia Mohammed must be credited with the creation of a strongly centralized government in the Songhay Empire . . . . The most important ministerial posts were the Chief Tax Collector . . . . In the principal cities of West Africa, such as Gao, Jenne, and Timbuktu, universities and other educational institutions were established, and their level of scholarship was of a high caliber. In the schools, colleges, and universities of the Songhay Empire, courses were given in astronomy, mathematics, ethnography, medicine, hygiene, philosophy, logic, prosody, diction, elocution, rhetoric, and music. . . .

When Askia Mohammed ended his career on earth on March 2, 1538, at the age of ninety-seven, he was followed on the throne by his sons, and under their misrule the empire began to fall apart. Daoud, the last son of Askia Mohammed to rule the empire, maintained a stable government from 1549 to 1582. But the great days of Songhay power were now fast approaching an end. In 1585 the salt mines of Taghaza passed into the hands of the sultan of Morocco. This was a disaster to the Songhay Empire, and they were too disorganized to prevent it. Five years later Songhay was invaded by a Moorish army led by Judar Pasha, a Spaniard, captured by the Moors in infancy, and reared in the precincts of the royal palace. This army numbered only five thousand men, but about half of them were armed with firearms imported from England. The superior numbers of the Songhay army were no match for the gunpowder of the Moors. In 1591, both Gao and Timbuktu fell to the invaders from the north. The Moorish forces settled down as an army of occupation and quartered themselves in the Songhay cities for another century and a half. This period completed the decline and fall of the Songhay Empire. ‘From that moment on’, we hear from a contemporary Sudanese scholar, ‘everything changed. Danger took the place of security; poverty of wealth. Peace gave way to distress, disasters and violence.’ At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Golden Age of the western Sudan had reached its nadir.

After the passing of the Songhay Empire, West Sudanic culture moved eastward to the Central Sudan, to Kanem-Bornu and the Hausa States; but none of these nations ever rose to the levels attained by Ghana, Mali, and Songhay in their Golden Age. . . .

The penetration of Islam into the Medieval Sudan was not an unmixed blessing. A judicial appraisal of this question is given in a recent authoritative work dealing with West African history, as follows:

‘The appearance of Islam in the Western Sudan was important for more than religious reasons. It opened many West African states to the influence of Muslims from North Africa and Egypt, and from still further afield, who introduced the arts of writing and scholarship. It insured good trading relations between the Western Sudan and the lands beyond the Sahara, so that contact between Kanem-Bornu and Egypt, Tunisia and Tripoli became valuable and constant. These were clear gains. On the other side it also opened the way for many bitter conflicts between those who accepted Islam and those who did not. Later history has much to say of these religious conflicts. . . .[A History of West Africa to the Nineteenth Century, pp. 84-86, by Basil Davidson].

According to Boubacar Barry in Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade,

“From the twelfth century onward, after the fall of Ghana, the entire Senegambian zone fell increasingly into the direct orbit of the Mali Empirte, which exerted a decisive influence until the fifteenth century and even beyond. It was Mali’s impact that catalyzed the transformation of the regions’ kinship-based societies into states. . . . .At the height of its power, Mali undertook nothing less than a westward colonizing mission, thrusting past the Futa Jallon plateau, then following the river Gambia and the upper valleys of the Casamance, the Rio Cacheu, and the Rio Geba. In the process, the Manding founded the Kaabu Kingdom in the south, along with the principalities of Noomi, Badibu, Niani, Wuli and Kantora, on both banks of the Gambia River. They did this by displacing or absorbing indigenous populations from the Bajar group, together with Jola, Beafada, Papel, Balanta, Bainuk, Baba, Nalu, Landuma, and others, whose descendants today live in the Southern Rivers area between Gambia and Sierra Leone.

Balanta and Kaabu Kingdom.jpg

In this area without large-scale political units, the level of the people’s adaptation to their natural environment was remarkably high. These peasant societies were egalitarian in outlook. The village was their basic unit, but the collective consciousness was reinforced by the importance of religion. Socialization worked through a system of initiation. . . . it created potent social bonds as well as precious links between humans and nature.

The outstanding feature of life here, however, was undoubtedly the creation of a rice-centered civilization by these populations. For they perfected rice farming techniques on flood plains, using the kayando, a long spade marvelously effective for working wet soils.

The scarcity of documents makes it hard to outline the dynamics of political, social and economic life in Senegambia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. At that time the region was coming into direct contact with Europe by way of the Atlantic. Senegambian societies shared a common civilization in which political and social systems were closely knit, and both were based on an autonomous subsistence economy.

Politically, societies here were initially organized along kinship lines. Later they shifted to a monarchical system based on violence and inequality. The caste system which supported the hierarchical ordering of social life served to rationalize this inequality. . . .

Senegambia had two types of societies. The first, egalitarian in outlook, derived political power from lineage. The second, hierarchical in outlook, imposed monarchical power upon the lineage-based system. . . .

The monarchical system was the logical outcome of the hierarchical ordering of Senegambian societies that began with the rule of the laman or the kafu. Senegambian societies were quintessentially non-egalitarian. The epitome of inequality was the caste system, on which rode a system of subsidiary social divisions, or orders. . . . In all cases, the caste system based on a division of labor, was perpetuated through a biological and racial ideology that imposed hereditary rules and endogamous practices. . . . The Soninke called free men hooro; slaves komo. The Manding called them fooro and joon. The Peul and the Tukulor called free men rimbe and slaves maccube. . . .

Slavery was an ancient institution in the domestic economy of Senegambia, with the exception of the egalitarian Southern Rivers societies. The practice legitimized the division between free persons and slaves. But slavery does not seem to have played a key role in the mode of production, which remained tributary even within the monarchical context. Still, for centuries, slaves were sent in small numbers to the northern markets for sale. Slaves were used as currency in arms deals. During the time of the trans-Saharan trade, they were also used to buy salt, horses and luxury goods – the aristocratic status symbols of the day. Aristocrats sold some slaves, obtained through inter-state warfare, in the inter-regional trading system. Others were turned into domestic slaves, kept to work on family farms or to produce handicraft goods. House slaves were more or less integrated into their masters’ families after one, two, or three generations. There is little evidence for the argument that slavery was the dominant mode of production in Senegambian societies during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.”

Concerning our Balanta ancestors at this time and a little later, Walter Rodney writes,

“The Balantas had quantities of prime yams…. The best farmers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries- the Balantas, the Banhuns, and the Djolas- all had cattle and goats …. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Andre Dornelas pointed out that Balanta territory was free from heavy vegetation. It was these very Balantas who reared the most livestock in the area, and it was they who provided supplies of foodstuffs for their neighbors….That peoples who were far superior producers of food than the Mande and Fula are consistently dubbed ‘Primitives’ is due solely to the contention that they did not erect a superstructure of states. . . .

It is only the Balantas who can be cited as lacking the institution of kingship. At any rate there seemed to have been little or no differentiation within Balanta society on the basis of who held property, authority and coercive power. Some sources affirmed that the Balantas had no kings, while an early sixteenth-century statement that the Balanta ‘kings’ were no different from their subjects must be taken as referring simply to the heads of the village and family settlements. . . .as in the case of the Balantas, the family is the sole effective social and political unit. . . .

Among the Balantas, who are to be classed as a ‘stateless society’, the system of land tenure is different. The Balantas are all small landowners, working their lands on the principle of voluntary reciprocal labor. Thus, when the Balantas clear new areas of swamp for rice cultivation, each one of the working force benefits by receiving a portion of the land reclaimed. Not so with the Papels, however, for they have a well-developed hierarchy of nobles, chiefs and kings who own the land. In their case, land development can only be achieved through the initiative of a rich individual, who can hire the necessary labor; and, since the workers have no stake in the final product, it is not surprising that they have no incentive to undertake the strenuous and demanding job of clearing the swamps. These two contrasting examples indicate that the existence of a superstructure of states was associated with the presence of a land-owning nobility. As with the ownership of the land, so with the distribution of the products – there was manifest inequality.”

THUS, BALANTA MANAGED TO PRESERVE THEIR EGALITARIAN CULTURE BASED ON NATURAL LAW AGAINST SUCCESSIVE ATTEMPTS BY STATE SOCIETIES TO IMPOSE EARLY FORMS OF STATUTORY LAW BASED ON VIOLATIONS OF THE GREAT BELIEF AND NATURAL LAW.

LEGAL ISSUES EFFECTING BALANTA AS A RESULT OF CONTACT WITH EUROPEAN CHRISTIANS

ORIGIN OF LEGAL ISSUES CONCERNING BALANTA PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES

Excerpts from Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volumes 1

All humans are born equal, with complete freedom of choice and action. When the ancient Balanta ancestors grew in number and began to live in the same place with other people, a few restrictions were accepted by common consent, over time. These restrictions were based on their Great Belief and they are few in number and very easy to understand. They are:

  1. You must not injure or kill anyone.

  2. You must not steal or damage things owned by someone else.

  3. You must be honest in your dealings and not swindle anyone.

These are the only limitations on every human being that is born. Today, these restrictions are called “Natural Law.”

This ancient time in our ancestor’s history, going back to the emergence of the haplogroup E-V38 42,000 years ago, has been described by historian John Henrik Clarke:

“This was one of the greatest ages of spirituality known in the history of the world. It was probably one of the highest moral ages known to man. And man did not use the word ‘god’ at all. I am not talking about a godless age, I am talking about an age when man accepted a spiritual force of the universe so all-conclusive that it included everything, and man did not say, ‘Only man has a soul’, he said, ‘all living things has a soul, including the cockroach.’ And he wouldn’t step on a cockroach because the cockroach has a soul. And he wouldn’t cut down a tree without having a ceremony because a tree has life and a tree has a soul.  Western man began the stupid concept that only human beings has soul. Western man, in his soulless-ness, began the concept that only certain people with certain faces with certain color, has soul.

Now, three or four thousand years before (the white man) wore a shoe or lived in a house that had a window, …. You hadn’t come in contact with him at all …. When you had your own spirituality in tact … you, meaning African people, had created a spirituality that said every living thing has a soul…. And this form of spirituality included everything, and included a law, the law of opposites, which to simplify it, was the law of complementarity, that you complimented everything. That if you had a female, you had to have a male, or vice versa…. What I am saying is that (our ancestors) laid the basis for basic humanity and the basic laws of the universe.”

Credo Mutwa, the the last living sangoma, or traditional Bantu healer, to undergo the thwasa (sangoma training and initiation), and who wrote a book called Indaba, My Children also describes this period in our ancient history:

Credo Mutwa.JPG

“The Ba-Ntu, or the Ba-Tu, were the founders of our culture and our religion. And being a solid, uniform nation they were at peace for thousands of years. They were not ruled by chiefs, but by a High Council of the Mothers of the People – that is, all the Witches and Sybils over the age of forty. At this time the Strange Ones, the Phoenicians, or Ma-Iti, who came some five to six hundred BC, and the slave-raiding Arabs were things of the distant future.

The Ba-Tu were at peace among themselves and because a High Curse was laid upon any person who stole as much as a single grain of corn from his neighbor, crime was totally unknown. There were warriors-elect who stationed themselves along trading routes at regular intervals, to protect travelers and traders against attack, not by human beings, but by wild animals. Man, in Africa at least, had not yet thought of offending a fellow man, physically or otherwise.

The ruling Council of the Mothers of the People used magic and naked intimidation to exercise control over all the people. These people had no fear of death; they knew it as something inevitable which had to come sooner or later, and capital punishment had no meaning whatsoever. The Mothers of the People also knew that corporal punishment infuriates, challenges and hardens the average criminally inclined human being and encourages him to become more cunning. Thus, they kept war and crime away from their land with the one medium that impresses the average human being – witchcraft.

Tribal historians today still sigh for those days when there was only one race of man and the Spirit of Peace walked the land – when every man woman and child, yea, every beast felt the soothing protection of the soft-eyed, infinitely wise Mothers of the People.

This was the first and last instance in the whole record of the Black People of Africa when pure witchcraft and black magic were used, not to terrorize people, but to keep peace in the land. For hundreds of years peace reigned in the land of the Ba-Ntu and in this atmosphere of peace the Great Belief was born.”

By the time our ancient Balanta ancestors migrated down the Hapi (Nile) River into Ta-Nihisi (also called Nubia and Upper Kemet/Egypt), they were living besides other groups of people. Conflict emerged between the ancient Balanta ancestors called “Anu” and a group called “Mesintu”. When the Mesintu created weapons from iron, they created a secret society and a religion based on this knowledge, and they became known as the “Followers of Horus at Edfu”. For the first time in our history, not everyone was considered equal. This new “ruling” class created a culture based on a monopoly of “power” that violated the Great Belief. Ultimately, this conflict resulted in an invasion by Menes (also called Narmer), which established complete authority and formalized the new society, the first dynasty in Egypt, based on force.

Limestone head, thought by Petrie to be Narmer in the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, London

Limestone head, thought by Petrie to be Narmer in the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, London

Narmer’s Palette depicting the conquest in 3100 BC.

Narmer’s Palette depicting the conquest in 3100 BC.

Over the next 1,500 years, the system of rule by force developed in Egypt and spanned seventeen dynasties. Historian Cheikh Anta Diop explains,

“It is important to first show that by the sixteenth century B.C., the XVIITH Egyptian Dynasty, under Thutmose III (1504-1450 B.C.) in particular, had effectively conquered the whole eastern Mediterranean (Crete, Cyprus, the Cyclades, etc.) and all of western Asia (Hatti, or the Hittite country, Mittanni, Amourrou, Kadesh, Syria, the country of Akkad, and Babylonia).

Thutmose III Empire.JPG

In total, according to Thutmose III’s Hymn of Triumph, written in verse and engraved on the ‘poetic stela’ at Karnak, facing Thebes in Upper Egypt, 110 foreign states were conquered and integrated to different degrees into the Egyptian empire. In one year, under Thutmose II, the Egyptian treasury collected 3,500 kilos of gold (electrum), of which nine-tenths came from the tributes paid by vassals. Western Asia was divided into administrative districts placed under the authority of Egyptian governors, charged with collecting the tributes, or annual taxes, that all these defeated and vassal states had to pay to the Egyptian treasury.”

Here, it is important to understand, that our Balanta ancestors, the Anu now called the “Nehesu” who came down from the Mountains of the Moon and settled in Wadi Kubbaniya and then established settlements down the river into what became known as Nubia in the land of Ta-Nihisi and then further down the river into Ta-Meri, had by this time become the defeated subjects of the “Rheth” people (as they called themselves). The Rheth people used our knowledge against us, particularly the followers of Horus at Edfu, people known as Mesnitu, and who used metal-working technologies to create weapons and eventually a system of domination based upon force. Though some people see the establishment of the Egyptian Dynasties as a great triumph of achievement, to our Balanta ancestors, it represents the destruction and fall of our people. This is how our peaceful life ended. We resisted the imposition of authority and the obligation to pay taxes to a leader we did not support. Diop continues,

“Fourteen hundred years before Rome, Egypt created the first centralized empire in the world. . . . One can hardly imagine, today, the degree of centralization in the Egyptian empire and the efficacy of its administration.

‘Royal messengers” went through the different regions of the empire delivering messages from the Pharaoh. The generals were in charge of regularly making inspection tours in the conquered territory. ‘A royal postal service circulates over roads created by the Egyptian administration, staked out with military stations and water tanks for resupply.’ The king maintained personal relations with his vassals and each year made inspection trips throughout the whole empire: the children of vassal princes were taken ‘hostages’ and educated in Egyptian style, at the court of the Egyptian emperor, in order to teach them Egyptian manners and tastes and to assimilate them to Pharaonic culture and civilization.

In addition to the compulsory annual tribute representing the collective tax of the whole conquered nation, evaluated according to its wealth, the vassal owed other types of ‘help’: gifts to the royal messengers, sending  slaves (generally women) to the Egyptian king each time the vassal addressed the Pharaoh to ask a favor of him. The Pharaoh could at any moment require money, chariots, horses, compulsory war service; the vassal was constantly under the orders of the Egyptian generals. The Pharaoh judged and arbitrated conflicts between vassals; he could order one of them to arrest a disloyal peer. The vassals enjoyed only internal autonomy; in fact, they had lost their international sovereignty: they could not directly deal with foreign lands. If his territory were invaded, the vassal had to report without delay to his lord, his sun, his god, the Pharaoh. He was declared a felon and beheaded if he separately made peace with an enemy of the Pharaoh. The felonious or supposedly guilty vassal was called to appear before Pharaoh’s court to justify himself, failing which Pharaoh sent a faithful vassal to bring back the guilty one with his entire family in chains.

The Pharaoh, being the incarnation of the divine KA, legitimately (?) exercised the power that he received from the God Amon-Ra, creator of the universe, in order to maintain justice, peace and law among mortals. The theory of individual will as a source of authority never existed in Egypt. All the peoples had to obey Pharaoh Thutmose III, according to the divine will of Amon-Ra, who was not only the national Egyptian God, but God of the whole universe, his creation: that is what is affirmed by the Karnak stela, on which the 110 conquered states are enumerated:

‘I have given you power and victory over all the nations you have conquered the rebel hordes as I commanded, the Earth in its length and its breadth, the peoples of the West and of the East are your subjects, no one was subjected to your majesty without myself having been your guide, so that you would succeed. All the peoples come, bringing tribute to you on their backs, bowing before you as I have ordained.’

This was the philosophy of power that Thutmose III invented in order to create the first true empire in history: ‘The king in the righteousness of his heart, reigns, accomplishing the divine will.’

According to a theory similar to that of the kings of the XVII Dynasty who succeeded in unifying the monarchy at the national level, the Egyptian solar cosmogony was imposed on all the conquered peoples of the empire. . . . Thus, the cult of Amon-Ra, the sun-king became universal and heralded the religious revolution of Amenophis IV (Akhenaton).”

Now here is what Thutmose III’s Hymn of Triumph, written in verse and engraved on the ‘poetic stela’ at Karnak, facing Thebes in Upper Egypt, has to say specifically about the ancestors of the Balanta, the Nehesu living in Ta-Nihisi, Nubia, at the time:

“I have come, I am allowing you to crush all of the barbarians of Nubia; all the way to the people of Put, all is in your hand; I am making them behold your majesty similar to that of your two brothers, Horus and Seth, whom I have joined hands to insure your power.”

Thutmose III mummy.JPG
Victory Stela of Thutmose III, Dynasty XVII 1479 to 1429 BC, from Nubia (Sudan) Gebel Barakal, temple B 500

Victory Stela of Thutmose III, Dynasty XVII 1479 to 1429 BC, from Nubia (Sudan) Gebel Barakal, temple B 500

Here, then begins the start of the “legal” issues facing Balanta people. Now, for the first time, there are TWO systems of law competing against each other: NATURAL LAW and STATUTORY LAW. Our ancestors left their homeland and headed west to Guinea Bissau some five thousand to three thousand five hundred years ago.

When people violated our Great Belief, set up kings and governments, imposed authority, and forced us to pay taxes, our ancestors either rebelled or migrated.

Races of Men in Egypt 2.JPG
Nine Bow vassal states.JPG
Nine Bow Nations.JPG

HOW THE AFRICAN UNION WAS ESTABLISHED TO INCLUDE THE AFRICAN DIASPORA

On February 3-4, 2003, the first Extra-Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of the African Union meeting in Addis Ababa, Ehtiopia, adopted the historic Article 3(q) that officially, “invite(s) and encourage(s) the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent.” From this decision, the African Diaspora would become designated as the 6th Region of the African Union.” A Balanta activist, Ras Nathaniel, was the only African American journalist present in the room at the time. In order to inform the African Union 6th Region of the history of this development, Ras Nathaniel published an 80-page paper for the African Caribbean Self-Help Foundation entitled “Towards Rastafari Repatriation By The Ethiopian Millennium II: Working Within the African Union 6th Region Diaspora Initiative”. Below is the excerpt, “HOW THE AFRICAN UNION WAS ESTABLISHED TO INCLUDE THE AFRICAN DIASPORA.” This is the definitive history of the AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative up until that time, as written by the only eyewitness member of the AU 6th region from the United States.

AU credential 1.JPG

HOW THE AFRICAN UNION WAS ESTABLISHED TO INCLUDE THE AFRICAN DIASPORA

Excerpts from the five-volume set, Come Out of Her, My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy.

At the 4th Extraordinary Summit of the OAU in September 1999, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Sirte, Libya met to amend the OAU Charter to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the OAU. This Summit concluded on 9 September 1999 with the Sirte Declaration that "Establish(ed) an African Union in conformity with the ultimate objectives of the Charter of our Continental Organization and the provisions of the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community (AEC)."

At the Addis Ababa Council of Ministers in March 2000 they decided to implement their Sirte Decision. Meeting at the Lome Summit in July 2000, they made decisions regarding the African Union and the Pan African Parliament and the AU Constitutive Act was signed on July 11, 2000. In March of 2001 they convened a Sirte Extra-Ordinary Summit to finalize their plans for implementation and drafted the Pan African Parliament Protocol. At the Lusaka Summit in July 2001 the Secretary General was mandated to work out the modalities and guidelines for the launching of the organs of the African Union, including the preparation of the Draft Rules of Procedure of such organs and to also ensure the effective exercising of authority and discharging of their responsibilities. The priority organs are the Assembly, the Executive Council, the Commission and the Permanent Representative Committee. At their meeting in Durban, South Africa in July 2002 they drafted the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union. They were now ready to establish the African Union in its headquarters in Addis Ababa, which they did in February, 2003.

 

THE AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION DIASPORA INITIATIVE

 

Of crucial importance in the establishment of the organs of the Union was/is the challenge to move away from the overly state-centric character of the OAU and its concomitant lack of civil participation. The cooperation of African NGOs, civil societies, labour unions, business organizations are essential in the process of cooperation and implementation. Recognizing this, the OAU/AU held to major OAU/AU Civil Society Conferences on June 11-14, 2001 and June 11-15, 2002.

The Lusaka Summit (meeting after the first conference) decided that NGOs, Professional Associations and Civil Society Organizations should be involved in the formulation and implementation of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) Programmes. This provided a very marginal role for members of the African Diaspora.

The second Conference in 2002, included representatives of the Diaspora. That conference also elected a Provisional Working Group, with a two-year tenure, to work with the African Union Commission on a continuous basis in between larger assemblies, which are held on a bi-annual basis. The Diaspora was given two representatives on this working Group - one for Europe and one for the Western Hemisphere including the US and other parts of the Americas.

The African Union then convened the First AU-Western Hemisphere Diaspora Forum in Washington, DC December 17-19, 2002. Though Rastafari People had an extensive history for engaging the OAU, they were not organized and centralized, and therefore had (and still has) no representation at the Forum which established the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network (WHADN) to interface with the African Union Commission. The WHADN put forward proposals for effective collaboration between the African Diaspora and the African Union which were refined by the AU Commission. One of those proposals, the Trade & Economic Development Committee proposed the following framework for recommendations as prerequisites to effective and meaningful participation in African trade and development by Africans in the western hemisphere Diaspora:

The African Union should consider the African Diaspora as Business partner, and

-                   Establish official programs to identify and qualify Diaspora businesses

-                   Issue a common visa, or eliminate business travel visas for Diaspora businesses.

The African Growth & Opportunity Act The AU should:

-                   Identify and prioritize products that can be traded (imported/exported) between Africa and Africans in the Diaspora to promote intra-Diaspora opportunities

-                   Enhance opportunities for Africans in the Diaspora to provide appropriate equipment and technical services to enable African countries to meet AGOA standards

Commodity Markets and Commodity Pricing The AU should

-                   Create a mechanism to promote trade and investment between Africa and Africans in the Western Hemisphere Diaspora

-                   Encourage the technological transfer of organic product cultivation.

Reparations

The AU should

-                   Include in its agenda the 'crime against humanity' concept and work with Diaspora organizations to suggest a process for reparations.

-                   Review, educate and sponsor open discussion to get insight into slavery In turn, the African Diaspora should:

-                   Establish a Western Hemisphere Diaspora Trade and Economic Development Committee to coordinate and facilitate the follow-up process to these recommendations with the AU

-                   Set up a Western Hemisphere Diaspora secretariat in Africa

-                   Encourage the establishment of a voluntary $5 per year US tax deductible contribution to the AU Trade and Economic Development Fund for the US Diaspora.

-                   Promote the development of joint ventures and partnerships between the Western Hemisphere Diaspora and African business communities.

-                   Ensure establishment of an industry specific Western Hemisphere Diaspora data base endorsed by the appropriate Diaspora representatives.

At the First Extra-ordinary Summit of the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on February 3, 2003, Senegal proposed an amendment to formally integrate the Diaspora in the policy framework of the African Union. After much debate that still continues over the definition of the "African Diaspora"2, the proposed amendment was refined and adopted by the Summit in a new Article 3 (q) that "invites and encourages the full participation of the African Diaspora as an important part of our continent, in the building of the African Union."

AU Decision on the Diaspora.JPG

In May, 2003, the Executive Council of the African Union met at the Third Extraordinary Session in Sun City, South Africa and issued the "Decision on the Development of the Diaspora Initiative in the African Union" This decision stated in point 4 that it

"Supports the initiative of the Commission to convene a technical workshop, as soon as possible, to develop a concept paper to generate proposals on the relations between the AU and the Diaspora. The proposed workshop would also address the following issues:

-                   the definition of the Diaspora;

-                   the role of the Diaspora in reversing African brain drain in line with the NEPAD recommendations;

-                   the modalities of the creation of a Diaspora fund for investment and development in Africa;

-                   the modalities for the development of scientific and technical networks to channel the repatriation of scientific knowledge from the Diaspora to Africa, and the establishment of cooperation between those abroad and at home;

-                   the establishment of a Diaspora database to promote and facilitate networking and collaboration between experts in their respective countries of origin and those in the Diaspora.

The Decision also stated:

"b. What can the African Union offer the Diaspora?

Discussions during the Washington Forum also offers a picture of some of what the Diaspora may expect - a measure of credible involvement in the policy making processes, some corresponding level of representation, symbolic identification, requirements of dual or honorary citizenship of some sort, moral and political support of Diaspora initiatives in their respective regions, preferential treatment in access to African economic undertakings including consultancies, trade preferences and benefits for entrepreneurs, vis a vis non - Africans, social and political recognition as evident in invitation to Summits and important meetings etc. These deliberations must also focus on possibilities, criteria and qualification for Diaspora representation in the Economic, Cultural and Social Council (ECOSOC), the Pan-African Parliament, etc.

c.  What can the Diaspora bring to the AU?

These include technical support for programs of the African Union, public education and sensitization of the wider public in their respective regions, lobbying, provision of a domestic political constituency for AU goals and objectives, advocacy, fund raising, resource mobilization and resource support through such measures as creation of Endowments amongst others."3

The main responsibility for mainstreaming the African Diaspora in the African Union fell upon the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA) which was initiated in a meeting on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation attended by OAU Heads of State in Kampala in May 1991. The result of the meeting was the Kampala Document, which encapsulated both the 1990 OAU Heads of State Declaration on the Political and Socio-Economic Situation in Africa and the Fundamental Changes Taking Place in the World and the 1990 African Charter for Popular Participation in Development. The Kampala Document also proposed a Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA). The Document was presented to the OAU Summit in Abuja, Nigeria in June 1991 for adoption; however, it was only noted and referred to the Council of Ministers.

Subsequent OAU Summits in June 1992 in Dakar, Senegal and in June 1993 in Cairo, Egypt could not adopt the Kampala Document in the absence of inputs from member States.

During the OAU Summit in July 1999 in Algiers, Algeria, President Obasanjo called for the refocusing on the Kampala Document in the light of contemporary developments in Africa, and offered to take responsibility for setting in motion the process of re-launching the CSSDCA. President Obasanjo also proposed that the year 2000 be declared as the Year of Peace, Security and Solidarity in Africa.

At the Extraordinary OAU Summit held in Sirte, Libya in September 1999, the Heads of State decided to convene an African Ministerial Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in the Continent as soon as possible. As such the CSSDCA initiative was fully endorsed by the policy-making organs of the OAU. This First Ministerial CSSDCA Meeting was held in Abuja from 8 to 9 May 20004

At the AFSTRAG Roundtable in New York, February 26-27,2004, Dr. Jinmi Adisa, Senior Coordinator of the CSSDCA Bureau of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, stated

"The CSSDCA has four main functions. First, it is the main framework for civil society engagement and thus serves as the pillar for the creation of effective partnerships that would facilitate and sustain the 'people- centered' orientation of the African Union. Second, in this capacity, it coordinates the activities of the nascent Economic, Social and Cultural Council, the Civil Society Parliament, and important advisory organs of the Union. Third, the CSSDCA is also the monitoring and evaluation mechanism of the Union that assesses the extent to which member states have complied with their obligations to implement the decisions they have agreed upon and adopted. The purpose here is to stimulate greater efficiency and all segments of the Union are associated with this endeavor. Fourth, and finally, the CSSDCA has responsibility for advancing the Diaspora initiative as part of its agenda for active and total mobilization of all segments of the African community.

It should be noted, however, that the main inspiration for CSSDCA activities is the Chairperson of the African Union himself, and in this respect, we have been very fortunate to have His Excellency, Mr. Alpha Konare, at the helm of affairs since September 2003.... Under his leadership, the CSSDCA was inspired to give prominence to the representation of the Diaspora in the Draft Statutes of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOC), which will be considered in mid- March 2004 at the 4th Ordinary meeting of the Executive Council of the Union. ECOSOC will enable active interface between organs of the Union and CSOs, women, youth and the African Diaspora ....  When ECOSOC becomes fully operational (and we are working to ensure that this is the case by the last quarter of the year) it will necessarily imply the engagement of the African Diaspora in all spheres of activity of the African Union."5

 

Dr. Jinmi Adisa also gave the Opening Statement to the African Union Technical Workshop on the Relationship With The Diaspora held in the Port of Spain, Trinidad, June 2-5 2004. In that statement, Dr. Adisa stated,

"[T]o help transform the history of our separation during the period of Slave Trade into a beacon of hope and promise. This is the essence of the Diaspora Initiative of the African Union.... The African Union, therefore, seeks to enlist the Diaspora, as an integral part of its asset base, to energize the demand for development and to promote and sustain its unique and dynamic global identity. . . . At the Washington Forum of December 2002 which initiated the process of institutional development and active mobilization of the African Diaspora, the then Interim Chairperson of the African Union, stressed that the character of the relationship that was envisaged is designed to be reciprocal. The implication was that the benefit of this process must be complimentary so that the African continent gives something concrete to the Diaspora and vice versa. The challenge of the Diaspora initiative was how to determine precisely the content of such reciprocal relationship Finally, there is a need to re-affirm our spiritual bond as a support system for collaboration and mutual purpose. Organization of the Diaspora for participation in the Africa Day celebrations on May 25 each year would cement and project this identity.... [This] Workshop is also expected to look into modalities for networking and the creation of effective partnerships to underwrite 'quality dialogues' and concrete projects and programmes. . . .

However, investment of efforts will be only useful in a framework that sets clear, achievable goals, well defined paradigms and appropriate structures and mechanisms that will facilitate success in the pursuit of our common endeavor."6

Indeed, the African Union Technical Workshop On the Relationship With the Diaspora General Report stated:

"The AU sees the Diaspora Initiative as a partnership, which could bring benefits to both sides - i.e to Africans living in the Diaspora as well as those living on the continent. Not all these benefits to the African Diaspora, and vice-versa The AU's Diaspora Initiative urges Africans throughout the world to transform their collective legacy of colonial heritage and common suffering into bonds of spiritual kinship as well as a common reference point for combining efforts, forging a dynamic global identity.... "7

Point 29 of the General Report stated that,

"The [Afro-Neth conference held in The Netherlands in December 2003] noted the need to shift from a focus in conceptual issues, to the identification of concrete practical steps to engage the African Diaspora in Africa's Development. The Conference addressed 4 main issues, two of which were:

a)            The need for collective Diaspora Voice in policy discussions; and

b)            Mobilization of resources

The conference also considered the need for an African Diaspora Fund that could engage in the development of Africa and Africans in the Diaspora."

 

Point 37 and 38 of the General Report stated that,

"[Mr Oladeinde of the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network WHADN] noted that the conference, held in Washington, D.C. from 17-19 December 2002, defined the mission of WHADN as the encouragement and facilitation of the use of the collective talents and resources of the African Diaspora in North America, the Caribbean, and Latin America, to support economic development and sustained growth on the continent."

 

Point 40 of the General Report stated that,

"a. Technology transfer, and the contribution of the Diaspora to this transfer, has a crucial role to play in development.

b.  It is important to expand research and use the Diaspora in research institutions to exploit their research for Africa's development.

c. For the Diaspora to maintain its engagement with Africa, there is need to provide incentives and a relationship of mutual reciprocity."

 

Point 44 and 46 of the General Report stated that,

"44. Dr. Adisa gave a short briefing on the AU Commission's interest in having Africa Day, 25 May, celebrated throughout the Diaspora. . . .

46.  After considerable debate, the following recommendations were adopted on Global Observance Days:

a)    The workshop should convey to the Chairperson of the Commission the need to raise the profile of Africa Day within Africa as well as in the Diaspora.

b)    The AU should consider changing "Africa Day" into "Pan-Africa Day".

 

Point 48 of the General Report stated that,

48. After much debate, the following recommendations were adopted on the Conference of Intellectuals:

b.   There exist a sharp cleavage between researchers in Africa and researchers in the Diaspora; researchers need to focus greater attention on the areas of medicine, governance, democracy and the rule of law as one way of bridging this cleavage.

c.   The AU should facilitate linkages between African researchers and researchers in the Diaspora.

 

The Technical Workshop then included the following Recommendations:

 

52.  To these ends, the working group recommends that the African Union consider:

i.              That the operationalization of the secretariat for the Western Hemisphere and the establishment of networks in other Diaspora regions (in Europe and Asia- Pacific, etc) be immediately undertaken, and the creation of their secretariats be facilitated. This would enable the AU and the African Diaspora to capitalize on the momentum being created . . . .

ii.            That the African Diaspora in their respective regions organize, in cooperation with their regional secretariats, conferences, workshops, and other modes of interaction. This would enable the development of concrete strategies for projects, programmes and policy proposals.

iii.           That encouragement, promotion and support be provided for continued multidisciplinary, focused research on the topics of African Diaspora and its linkages to Africa.

vii.       That African Diaspora Legal scholars, who are experts in international law as it relates to the African Diaspora, should be included in the process of translating this policy document into legal text. This would allow the new scholarship on critical law theory pertaining to Africa and its Diaspora to be embedded in the formulation of legislation and policy.

 

53.  The Group put forward recommendations on the role of the Diaspora in human resource development in three key area:

-          Resources (Skills Bank)

-          Reversing the Brain Drain

-          Development of Scientific and Technical Networks

 

55.  For the Diaspora to meaningfully contribute to the attainment of the goals of human development in Africa the following policy recommendations were suggested:

a)    Resources/Skills Bank:

56.  The Resources Bank should serve as the integrating platform upon which all other aspects of the Diaspora development and mobilization of its resources, both organic and virtual knowledge, could be shared and expanded.

 

Recommendations:

 

i.              The AU should facilitate the development of a template for identifying resource needs at both regional and national levels. Such an initiative would allow for effective organization of data, and make the database user-friendly. The AU may consider using consultants or experts in developing this.

ii.            The AU should conduct an inventory of existing human resource databases of the Diaspora. The AU should consider using existing organizations both within and outside Africa. The AU should encourage Member States to commission country-specific inventories of existing databases as these relate to Member States . Results of the inventories should be made Publicly available, via the Internet, print media and other electronic means.

iii.           The AU should organize the data thus collected into a Central Diaspora Skills Resource Bank. This database should support information for both individuals and corporations. The AU may consider adopting an existing database platform within the Diaspora.

iv.           In considering the magnitude of establishing and managing the database, the AU should consider it as a separate entity with a separate group to govern it. The AU may consider creating a new entity or strengthening any one of its existing organizational structures to support it.

v.            The AU should ensure that information in the database is publicly accessible.

vi.           Long-term sustainability of the Resource Database should be evaluated in recognition of the cost of hosting, ongoing maintenance and other support services. AU may consider an affordable fee based access for certain retrieval services users.

vii.          Information within the database should be protected and secure.

 

b)   Brain-drain: Recommendations:

i.              Brain Drain reversal should not be reduced to the physical return of people who have migrated from the continent, but should include access and effective utilization of their skills and knowledge regardless of geographical location.

ii.            The AU should facilitate the development of a range of policies, at national and regional levels, to encourage the relocation (both temporarily and permanently) of skilled people from the historical Diaspora. The AU may wish to consider a continent-wide entry card for the Diaspora.

iii.           The Au should promote, among Member States, a commitment to creating an enabling environment to stem the continuous outflow of people.

iv.           The AU should encourage Member States to design programmes, including a range of incentives to attract skilled persons who have migrated, to return to their country of birth or to any other country on the continent on varying lengths of contracts, depending on needs and availability, or to return permanently.

v.            The AU should design programmes to effectively utilize the skills and knowledge of Africans in the Diaspora.

vi.           The AU should take the lead in a campaign to extend the concept of the Brain Drain Compensation Fund . . . .

 

Working Group 3: Modalities and resource support including the creation of A Diaspora Trust Fund for investment in Africa

 

58. The Group reviewed the four assets of the Diaspora: land, labour, capital and entrepreneurship, in defining the modalities for resource support for institutions whose establishment and operations would benefit both the African continent and the African Diaspora.

In Support of the Diaspora Outreach Project, the following recommendations were made:

Recommendations

a)    Support for Diaspora Projects

60.  The Diaspora should establish organizational networks to execute its projects and programmes through:

 

i.              Membership dues;

ii.            Fundraising activities such as concerts, seminars, congresses, Heads of State and celebrity dinners, corporate and philanthropic sponsorships and government grants;

iii.           Publications: magazines, books, newsletters and web sites;

iv.           Service fees: match-making, trade missions, event management;

 

b)   Diaspora Charitable Trust Fund

61.  It is recommended that the initial trust fund be established under the auspices of WHADN based in the USA. Over time, additional trust funds would be established in the other jurisdictions. The Trust Fund is conceptualized as a series of endowments beginning with health, education, housing and orphans.

 

The endowments would be funded in the following ways:

i.              Each African adult both within the Diaspora and on the continent to contribute a minimum of 1 US $ or its equivalent per year.

ii.            African governments, corporate citizens and NGOs both within the continent and in the Diaspora be encouraged to contribute generously to the fund.

 

Other Recommendations:

62.  The working group encourages the AU to convey to its Member States the need to create an enabling environment and policy framework to facilitate investment vehicles which support investments in the Diaspora and in Africa. We recommend the following investment vehicles:

 

Pan African Mutual Fund

Investment in the mutual fund should be encouraged across the board of public and private sector participation with the requisite legislation to prevent control by any one group.

 

Pan African Bank

This institution is to be established in strategic locations in the Diaspora to facilitate remittances

-          as a depository of assets of Africans in the Diaspora

-          as a lending agency

 

Pan African Venture Capital

This vehicle would make equity capital available in Africa and in the Diaspora for investment in a range of viable businesses. It would be funded by private sectors, institutions and governments. Governments are to be encouraged to launch a campaign to educate their communities within Africa and in the Diaspora with respect to the several financial instruments available.

 

Working Group 4: Modalities for enhancing effective partnerships between the African Union and the African Diaspora and Diaspora participation in ECOSOC

 

Recommendations

 

v.         In coordination with regional Diaspora Secretariats, the AUC should promote the organization of summits, conferences, workshops, and other publics which bring together NGOs and/or professional associations and networks, civil rights movements, and state ministries, representing specific major public policy issues which cut across one or more Diaspora Regions and/or Diaspora communities or populations and the continent of Africa or one or more AU member nations.

ix         The AU Diaspora Initiative should establish criteria for selecting NGOs, private industries, universities, professional associations, and primary and secondary educational systems for partnership in the AU Diaspora Initiative. Regarding NGOs, this refers to the development or selection and evaluation criteria for the twenty NGO positions allotted in ECOSOCC NGOs. Coalitions of NGOs interested in ECOSOCC representation, and which are recommended by regional secretariats to the AUC, must demonstrate capacity to design, implement, and evaluate services, projects, and programmes which (a) improve the quality of life of African and African Diaspora nations, communities, populations, and institutional sectors; or/and (b) promote education and awareness about African and African Diaspora history and other issues; and (c) establish collaborative partnerships with other NGOs, private industries, cultural organizations, Black social movements, and educational institutions. It is recommended that African Diaspora NGOs and coalitions of NGOs interested in being regional consultative partners with the African Union register with their respective regional secretariats; all NGOs and coalitions of NGOs in the Western Hemisphere desiring to participate in the African Union Development of the Diaspora Initiative should register with WHADN as the first step of membership in this movement.

x.            To enable the most effective internet communication in the AU Diaspora Initiative such as the AU/ECOSOCC and other partnership arrangements, the AU should work with WHADN and other partnership regional secretaries to establish an independent, secure, and autonomous internet node in Africa, e.g. Addis Ababa at AU Headquarters. This entails a financial and technical feasibility study examining issues such as touting, common carrier, billing, and security concerns.

xi.           In order for the AU to develop effectively African/Diaspora networks and partnerships in a variety of areas, especially in the Western Hemisphere, it would be necessary to develop a more efficient Africa/Diaspora air transportation capacity in order to provide regular and reliable direct air linkages between Africa and Diaspora areas. This would involve the AU promoting airline transportation-related partnerships with nations, African and African Diaspora businesspersons to develop such airline transportation capacity.

xii.          The AU should mandate Regional Diaspora Secretariats to coordinate and mobilize when needed Diaspora regional associations, organizations, and institutional sectors and to develop programmes to ensure their capacity to engage in partnerships with each other and with associations, organizations, and institutional sectors on the African continent.

xvi.        The AU should consider offering Diaspora federal citizenship options and recommend that the AU establish a task force of distinguished scholars and policy makers to comprehensively study this question and offer policy recommendations to the AU Assembly.

 

In addition, the Report of the First Conference of Intellectuals of Africa and The Diaspora, October 6-9, 2004 in Dakar, Senegal, stated:

 

"59. The question on how to structure the Diaspora to make it as the 6th region was raised. To that effect:

 

-          There is need to establish a representative body including the major regions of the world.

-          20 Diaspora organizations will be part of ECOSOCC, the advisory body of the African Union.

 

Recommendations

 

a)    Setting up of an African experts group to serve as a 'think tank' to the AU.

e)     Development of databases of associations to promote networking.

f)      To promote the concept of African citizenship and the establishment of an African Passport.

 

87.  Dr. Molefi Asante put forward five recommendations for the integration of the Diaspora and the continent. These include

i.              the provision of curricula information from the African Diaspora in African schools,

ii.            assigning responsibility to people in the ministries of African states to interface with the Diaspora

iii.           operations from a perspective of strength rather than weakness,

iv.           the need for African leaders to have precise knowledge of Diaspora communities as a basis for strengthening relations, and

v.            the acceptance of the right of return for the African Diaspora.

 

Key issues and Recommendations

 

89.  Five key issues were subject of recommendation. Preliminary discussions were held regarding the modalities for their implementation.

 

a.    Creation of a specific structure of coordination as a follow up mechanism

 

i.              The African Union should establish a Secretariat as a follow-up mechanism to engage in advocacy and to promote a permanent policy dialogue between intellectuals and policy makers in Africa and the Diaspora.

ii.            The African Union should set up or adopt existing institutions to serve as 'Africa Houses' within strategic global and African locations to promote African interests abroad, improve awareness and knowledge about Africa, and support commercial and other links between the Diaspora and Africa

 

Modalities for Implementation

 

90.  The Secretariat and Africa should:

 

-          Utilize the experience and resources of existing specialized organizations, institutions and individuals;

-          Create publications to disseminate information;

-          Host follow-p meetings with heads of African Diaspora intellectual organizations to determine their roles in the Secretariat and intellectual programmes of the African Union;

-          Promote access to the media for wider distribution of information by creating media and public relations divisions;

-          Create strategies to fund the implementation of this initiative;

-          Strengthen and publicize data-banks of African and Diaspora intellectuals

 

b.    Creation of a new curriculum for Africa and the Diaspora

-     In order to promote an awareness of the historical and contemporary cultures and contributions of peoples of Africa and the African Diaspora, the African Union should create a curriculum council to develop and disseminate print visual and electronic educational materials for all educational levels for Africa and the Diaspora

 

c.    Promotion of an African Citizenship Initiative

 

-     In recognition of the importance of identity as a mobilizing factor for development, the African Union should develop a framework for a wider African Citizenship Initiative."8

 

Modalities for Implementation

 

91.  The African Union Commission should:

 

-     Develop, in consultation with the Diaspora, proposals for a Bill of Citizenship that establishes rights, entitlements, and duties of African Citizens on the continent and in the Diaspora, including the responsibility of Member States and the African Union, and submit this to the Executive Council and Summit for consideration and approval.

 

c)    Establishing The Diaspora as The Sixth Region of The African Union

 

-                   The Diaspora should initiate and, wherever it already exists should, broaden a process of consultation and regular meetings culminating in the establishment of transparent representative organs, to engage with the African Union.

-                   The African Union Mission, Vision, and Strategy document should be disseminated widely within Africa and its Diaspora, and used as a basis for ongoing discussion and engagement with the African Union.

 

Regarding the federal citizenship issue, on July 6, 2005, The Post (Lusaka) reported that

 

"The African Union (AU) is pondering the possibility of Africa citizens to move freely around the continent as it pursues the idea of issuing what it calls an African passport to all African citizens.

 

This was highlighted by AU Commission chairperson Alpha Konare during his official statement at the opening of this year's heads of stat assembly here. The proposal is also contained in the draft report which was expected to be endorsed by African leaders yesterday.

 

The draft recommendations call upon AU member states to facilitate and pursue free movement in Africa gradually considering the interdependence of social, economic, security and human rights dimensions of the movement of persons within the African Union.... The Au states that it accepts the concept of an African passport in principle and therefore recommends that further consultations be carried out at national, sub-regional, regional and continental levels to address all pertinent issues including constitutional, legal, social, economic, security and human rights aspects. The AU is also in agreement with the proposal for the issuance of African diplomatic passports and recommends that consultations should be done before the exercise is undertaken.

The AU Commission has since been requested in consultation with member states to consider establishing a committee of experts, charged with providing guidance to the Commission on matters relating to free movement of persons to carry the process forward."

 

The African Union 6th Region Diaspora Initiative has also included two other components highlighting language and the celebration of "Africa Day" every May 25 as an official AU observance (already mentioned above). Regarding Language,

Point 105. 4 of the Report of the First Conference of Intellectuals of Africa and the Diaspora stated:

 

"Language is critically important since it is one of the first symbols of identity that we learn. Therefore mastery of one of the African languages by those in the Diaspora becomes a visible symbol of their great attachment to the motherland."

 

Finally, Africa's Civil Society gathered at the headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from March 27-30, 2005 for the launching of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC). According to the Statutes of ECOSOCC,

 

"Article 3: Composition

 

1. ECOSOCC shall be an advisory organ of the African Union composed of different social and professional groups of the Member States of the African Union . . .

3.    ECOSOCC shall also include social and professional groups in the African Diaspora organizations in accordance with the definition approved by the Executive Council."9

 

The definition of the African Diaspora as determined by the Meeting of Experts on the Definition of the African Diaspora, April 11-12, 2005 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, is as follows:

 

"The African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union."10

 

[IRIE note: this definition is severely flawed in light of the "Out of Africa" DNA studies. What is to stop a blonde-haired, blue-eyed Swede desiring to contribute to the development of Africa, for example, from claiming status as a member of the African Diaspora since current science states that his or her ancestors (and all human beings) originated in Africa?]

IRIE recommends the following definition:

 

"The African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin, descent and heritage living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union."

 

[Under this definition, the Swede would be excluded on grounds that he or she did not possess an African heritage.]

 

ECOSOCC Statutes also state, "Article 4: Membership

1.    ECOSOCC shall be composed of one hundred and fifty (150) CSO's which shall include different social and professional groups in Member States of the Union and the African Diaspora, in conformity with Article 5 of these Statutes:

a)    Two (2) CSO's from each Member State of the Union (106 total)

b)    Ten (10) CSO's operating at regional level and eight (8) at continental level

c)    Twenty (20) CSO's from the African Diaspora as defined by the Executive Council, covering the various continents of the world

d)    Six (6) CSO's in ex-officio capacity, nominated by the Commission based on special considerations, in consultation with Member States

 

Article 5: Election of Members

 

2.    African Diaspora organizations shall establish an appropriate process for determining modalities for elections and elect twenty (20) CSO's to the ECOSOCC General Assembly

 

Article 6: Eligibility Requirements for Membership

 

The requirements to be fulfilled by CSOs seeking membership are as follows:

 

1.    Be national, regional , continental or African Diaspora CSO, without restriction to undertake regional or international activities.

2.    Have objectives and principles that are consistent with the principles and objectives of the Union as set out in Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitutive Act.

3.    Registration and status:

a)    Be registered in a Member State of the Union and/or;

b)    Meet the general conditions of eligibility for the granting of Observer Status to non-governmental organizations;

c)    Show a minimum of three (3) years proof of registration as either an African or an African Diaspora CSO prior to the date of submission of application, including proof of operations for those years.

4.    Provide annual audit statements by an independent auditing company.

5.    Show proof that the ownership and management of the CSO is made up of not less than fifty (50%), of Africans or of African Diaspora

6.    The basic resources of such an Organization shall substantially, at least fifty (50%), be derived from contributions of the members of the Organization. Where external voluntary contributions have been received, their amounts and donors shall be faithfully revealed in the application for membership. Any financial or other support or contribution, direct or indirect, from a government to the Organization shall be declared and fully recorded in the financial records of the Organization.

7.    Provide information on funding sources in the preceding three (3) years.

8.    For regional and continental CSOs, show proof of activities that engage or are operative in at least three (3) Member States of the Union.

9.    CSOs that discriminate on the basis of religion, gender, tribe, ethnic, racial or political basis shall be barred from representation to ECOSOCC.

10. Adherence to a Code of Ethics and Conduct for civil society organizations affiliated to or working with the Union."

 

This, then represents THE AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION DIASPORA INITIATIVE and its progress up to the present.

It should be noted that, according to Ras Nathaniel’s March 3, 2003 report from Addis Ababa at the time,

“According to the REPORT OF THE AD HOC MINISTERIAL COMMITTEE MEETING ON THE PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTIVE ACT OF THE AFRICAN UNION:

"9. Prior to detailed consideration of this item, the Chairperson gave the floor successively to the Commission and the Senegalese delegation for clarifications on this subject.

10. The representative of the Commission indicated that six proposed amendments had been referred to the Ad Hoc Ministerial Committee but that the one relating to the African Diaspora had been inadvertently omitted from the Items listed on the Agenda of the Meeting. He added that the item had not been examined by the Executive Council Session in Tripoli, because it had not been submitted in time. He then read out the amendment as contained in paragraph 40 of the Report of the First Extraordinary Session of the Executive Council as follows:

'Invite and encourage the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent.'

11. At the Chairperson's request for more clarification on the categories of Africans that come under the term 'African Diaspora', the delegation of Senegal, the proposer of the amendment, informed the Meeting that the issue could be addressed from two perspectives, namely;

a) a narrow sense, whereby the Diaspora includes all Africans currently residing any where outside the Continent of Africa;

b) a broad and historic sense, whereby the Diaspora comprises all Africans who had left Africa by force and still consider themselves Africans."

12. It was decided at the end of the debate that the overall principle underlying the amendment should be retained and incorporated in the Constitutive Act as proposed. The amendment would read as follows:

Article 3 (0): 'Invite and encourage the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent."

13. On the question as to how this amendment would be implemented, it was proposed that this matter be examined at a collective brainstorming session of the Committee before the end of the Meeting to come up with proposals for submission to the Executive Council, as it was at the implementation level that all aspects of bilateral cooperation between the two entities would be addressed with greater clarity. It was also proposed that the matter be further considered subsequently at experts' and Executive Council levels for further inputs.

14. Subsequently, at the end of the consideration of all the Agenda Items, the Committee devoted some time to collective brainstorming on the issue of 'the Diaspora' particularly its definition and the modalities for implementing effective collaboration with the African Union.

15. During the discussions, a number of proposals were made, such as the need to convene a forum between the AU and the Diaspora and the setting up of a coordinating mechanism within the Commission to deal with issues relating to the Diaspora. A proposal was also made that the Diaspora could be involved in the work of ECOSOC.

16. At the end of the deliberations, the need was recognized to convene a session of the Executive Council entirely devoted to 'the Diaspora' to further examine all the proposals made as well as others to enable all Member States to have the same understanding of the subject. It was recommended that the work done by the Commission regarding the civil society and the Diaspora should continue and be enriched by the proposed session."

A CRITIQUE OF THE DIASPORA INITIATIVE

Finally, in a paper submitted to THE CODESRIA 30th ANNNIVERSARY PROGRAM, East Africa Sub Regional Conference, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia October 30-31 2003, Ras Nathaniel observed:

“Reconnecting with the Diaspora

"Yet the key link in the African unity project is the linkage of Africa with its Diaspora." [Bankie 2003]

"A united Africa, based on principles articulated within the framework of the African Renaaissance, must make provisions to welcome home Diasporic Africans." [Yawney 2001]

This is so, undoubtedly, for moral, political, economic and social reasons, all leading to accelerated development. However, while a few countries have recently emphasized the "spiritual" element, primarily Ghana and its "enstooling" ceremony with the Diasporan group Fihankra (representing Black middle-class wealth in America), and more recently, Benin Ambassador to the US Cyril Oguin's mission to Louisiana and other US states to apologize for their ancestors' role in the slave trade, most of the current debate focuses on the economic reasons. Tanzania, for instance, is courting African Americans to set up "retirement communities." [Mwamunyame 2003] The African Forum for Envisioning Africa: Focus on NEPAD stated, " . . .wooing capital from the African Diaspora can be instrumental in addressing the challenge of Africa positioning itself in the global trade arena." [AFEAFN 2002] And, the African Foundation for Development stated in a paper to the African Development Forum III that its purpose is to "draw on the perspectives and experiences of the London-based African Foundation for Development to sketch out ways in which the African Diaspora can support efforts towards increased regional integration in Africa." It then noted that Ugandans send home $400m each year, more than the country was earning form its biggest export-earning crop, coffee, and that Ghanians abroad send home between $350m and $400m each year. [AFFORD 2002]

Indeed, the potential of Diasporan resources to "save" Africa is enormous. Paul Henze, a policy analyst specializing in East Africa at the RAND Corporation notes,

“Eritrea is a blank in World Bank and IMF reports. Eritrea appears to be living almost entirely off remittances and donations supplied by its Diaspora in the Middle East and America. [Eritrea's Prime Minister] Isaias's travels during 1999 have been primarily motivated by the need to keep money from the Diaspora flowing." [Henze 2000]”

Thus, much of this kind of literature on the African Diaspora is aimed at harnessing the financial and potential capital inflows and human resources of Africans who voluntarily joined the Diasporan communities after World War II, who have created what is commonly referred to as Africa's "Brain Drain" [Gedamu 2002, Njubi 2002, Shinn 2002, Zeleza 2002, Kalyegira 2003], and not on an spiritual, wholistic, or moral right of return and Repatriation within the framework of African development.

Defining Diaspora

"The average Afro-American citizen of the United States has lost absolute touch with the past of his race, and is helplessly and hopelessly groping in the dark for affinities that are not natural, and for effects for which there are neither national nor natural causes. That being so, the African in America is in a worse plight thatn the Hebrew in Egypt. The one preserved his language, his manners and sutoms, his religion and household gods; the other has committed national suicide." [ Prah 2002]

Marginalization of "old" Diaspora

"As we all know, the historic African Diaspora in the United States is the result of the European Slave Trade that resulted in millions of people being taken from the African continent. Often, the causes, problems and solutions to the African brain drain leave out this population with most of the emphasis and research on the contemporary African Diaspora." [Venney 2002]

For example, in the African Foundation for Development (AFFORD) paper "Supporting Africa's Regional Integration: The African diaspora-prototype pan-Africanist or parochial village-aiders?" presented to the African Development Forum III (ADFIII): "Defining Priorities for Regional Integration", the authors state its purpose is to "draw on the perspectives and experiences of the London-based African Foundation for Development to sketch out ways in which the African Diaspora can support efforts towards increased regional integration in Africa . . . . But who do we mean when we speak of the African diaspora today? We might crudely think of two 'diasporas'; the old and the new. The old diaspora refers to the African Diaspora produced by the Atlantic slave trade-African-Americans, Brazilians of African Descent, people of Caribbean Origin now living in the UK, etc. The new Diaspora refers to those Africans who have left Africa in the post-second World War or even late post-colonial period to settle in the North. . . . . this paper focuses primarily on the newer sections of the African Diaspora." [emphasis added]

Indeed, according to the Ad Hoc Ministerial Committee meeting on the proposed amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union Report of the Executive Council 2nd Extraordinary Session, 1 Feb 2003 Addis Ababa, under the section "Recognition of the Diaspora," the report stated,

"At the chairperson's request for more clarification on the categories of Africans that come under the term 'African Diaspora', the delegation of Senegal, the proposer of the amendment, informed the Meeting that the issue could be addressed from two perspectives, namely:

- a narrow sense, whereby the Diaspora includes all Africans currently residing anywhere outside the Continent of Africa [ "new contemporary diaspora"]

- a broad and historic sense, whereby the Diaspora comprises all Africans who had left Africa by force and still consider themselves Africans

Point 14 of the report states, "Subsequently, at the end of the consideration of all the Agenda items, the Committee devoted some time to collective brainstorming on the issue of 'the Diaspora', particularly its definition and the modalities for implementing effective collaboration with the African Union . . . . "

At the end of the deliberations, the need was recognized to convene a session of the Executive Council entirely devoted to "the Diaspora" to further examine all proposals made as well as enable all Member States to have the same understanding of the subject." [Ad Hoc 2003}

Although this author submitted on February 25th recommendations to this special session, he did not receive any response nor confirmation that the special session was held. Nevertheless, the New African, June 2003 reported that:

"Meanwhile, a very positive development has been the attempt to make the African Diaspora a permanent feature of the AU. It will take concrete form in Maputo. On 18 April, the AU in conjunction with the Washington-based Foundation for Democracy in Action (FDA) and members of the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network (WHADN), announced plans for implementing recommendation from the first AU-WHADN forum held in Washington DC last December.

The AU delegates discussed the efforts of the Union towards establishing 'technical definitions' of the Diaspora and the process of effectively integrating the Diaspora into the organs and programmes of the AU, notably the Economic, Social and Cultural Council. According to the president of the FDA, Fred Oladeinde:

'The AU has demonstrated its commitment to developing mutually beneficial and functional linkages with its Diaspora by amending its Constitutive Act to include the involvement of the African Diaspora. The significant structural change to the organization provides the legislative framework that the Washington forum recommended."

Examination of the Amendment, Article "q" to the Constitutive Act of the African Union reveals, however, that no such "significant structural change" has occurred. Article 3 (q) reads: 'Invite and encourage the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent." There is nothing substantive in this. According to the Report Of The Ad Hoc Ministerial Committee Meeting On The Proposed Amendments To The Constitutive Act Of The African Union, Section 15, "During the discussions, a number of proposals were made, such as the need to convene a forum between the AU and the Diasopora and the setting up of a coordinating mechanism within the CoMmission to deal with issues relating to the Diaspora. A proposal was also made that the Diaspora could be involved in the work of ECOSOC." Thus, no such significant structural change has been placed on the table or is being discussed.

Participation of the Diaspora in the Pan-African Parliament, for example, has been blocked. Accordingly, as Bankie notes just as during the building of the OAU, "These Africans were excluded from its deliberations, even though everybody knows the fate of all Africans is dependent to an extent, on the progress of the continent. States populated by a majority of Africans [like Jamaica] could not join the body; diasporans were excluded from the secretariat." [Bankie 2002], so, too, he notes, that "neither the OAU nor the AU make any pretense to include the African Diaspora in their deliberations or administration." [Bankie 2003] [Ras note: see Nabudere 2002, New African 2003 for NEPAD/AU structure outline. Any formal role for Diasporans?] Bankie does provide one answer to why there is such debate and exclusion when it comes to the African Diaspora:

"The January-April 2001 issue of the newsletter of the African Association of Political Science (AAPS) includes the report, reference CAB/LEG/23.15/6/Vol/IV of a meeting of legal experts and parliamentarians on the establishment of the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia 17-20 April 2000. Paragraph 48 reads -

'On the issue of composition, it was proposed that the prospective members should represent not only the peoples of Africa and those who have naturalized, but peoples of African descent as well. However, other delegations were of the view that only African peoples should be represented in the Parliament . . . .'

At paragraph 55 appearing under the same rubric as paragraph 48 (i.e. Consideration Protocol relating to the Pan-African Parliament) in the section referring to Articles 2 and 3 ‘Establishment and Relationship with the OAU’, it is reported ….

After effecting certain amendments to paragraphs 1 and 2 of Article 3, the reference to members of Parliament representing all people of ‘African descent’ was deleted.’

Africans from outside the continent were excluded from the deliberations of both the OAU and the AU and from working in their Secretariats, even though it should be well understood that the fate of all Africans is interconnected. States peopled by a majority of Africans could not join either body (e.g. Haiti).

Thus, the African diaspora has been excluded from the Pan-African Parliament [Ras note: no outcry was heard from the Diaspora]. It does not take much imagination to determine who those 'other delegations' were who wanted those of African descent excluded from the Pan African Parliament. The hands of that particular lobby are seen as dominant throughout the Rapporteur's Report on the formation of the African Union."‘

Excerpts from the five-volume set, Come Out of Her, My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy.

Come OUt of Her Volumes.JPG

THE BALANTA FOUNDER OF THE AFRICAN UNION 6TH REGION CAMPAIGN

There has been a lot of appropriate outrage over the dismissal of Dr Arikana Chihombori Quao from her post as the African Union (AU) Permanent Ambassador in the United States. However, most people do not know that it was an American of Balanta origin that was the first to launch the African Union 6th Region Campaign in the United States.

AU credential 1.JPG

After arriving in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in late December 2002, Ras Nathaniel (born and raised in the suburbs of Chicago) registered with the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Ministry of Information & Culture Press and Information Department as a journalist for the Rastafari Speaks newspaper.

Ras Nathaniel AU Credentials.JPG

With official media credentials, Ras Nathaniel now had access to the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN). On February 3-4, 2003, Ras Nathaniel attended the 1st Extra-Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of the African Union in Addis Ababa and began issuing reports to the African Diaspora via the internet.  He was the only African American journalist in the room when the historic Article 3(q) was adopted that officially “invite(s) and encourage(s) the full participation of Africans in the Diaspora in the building of the African Union in its capacity as an important part of our Continent.” From this decision, the African Diaspora would become designated as the 6th Region of the African Union. Aware that Malcom X had also been an observer at the AU’s predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), Ras Nathaniel now felt an awesome responsibility to the African Diaspora, and particularly to the Rastafari community, to keep them informed of all things related to the African Union. At the final press briefing of the First Extraordinary Summit of the Assembly of the African Union, Ras Nathaniel asked South African President and AU Chairperson Thabo Mbeki to “comment on the kinds of proposals that were discussed in the brainstorming session concerning the inclusion of the African Diaspora in the African Union”. After meeting with the Rastafari community in Shashemane, Ras Nathaniel was mandated to draft the African Diaspora and Recommendations for the African Union letter. On February 25, 2003 it was delivered to President Thabo Mbeki and IRIE began conducting a Repatriation Census in the African Diaspora, a task that was originally given to Malcom X at the OAU. According to Malcolm X,

“One of the things I saw the OAAU doing from the very start was collecting the names of all the people of African descent who have professional skills, no matter where they are. Then we could have a central register that we could share with independent countries in Africa and elsewhere. Do you know, I started collecting names, and then I gave the list to someone who I thought was a trusted friend, but both this so-called friend and the list disappeared. So, I’ve got to start all over again.” (Jan Carew, Ghosts In Our Blood, p. 61)

“The 22,000,000 so-called Negroes should be separated completely from America and should be permitted to go back home to our African homeland which is a long-range program; so the short-range program is that we must eat while we’re still here, we must have a place to sleep, we have clothes to wear, we must have better jobs, we must have better education; so that although our long-range political philosophy is to migrate back to our African homeland, our short-range program must involve that which is necessary to enable us to live a better life while we are still here.” (Interview with Malcolm X, by A.B. Spellman, Monthly Review, Vol. 16, no.1 May 1964).

Thus, Malcolm X, along with John Henrik Clarke, wrote the following into the Organization of Afro- American Unity (OAAU) Basic Unity Program

 

i. Restoration: “In order to free ourselves from the oppression of our enslavers then, it is absolutely necessary for the Afro-American to restore communication with Africa . . . .

ii. Reorientation: “ . . . We can learn much about Africa by reading informative books . . . “

iii. Education: “ . . . The Organization of Afro-American Unity will devise original educational methods and procedures which will liberate the minds of our children . . . We will . . . encourage qualified Afro-Americans to write and publish the textbooks needed to liberate our minds . . . . educating them  [our children] at home.”

iv. Economic Security: “ . . . After the Emancipation Proclamation . . . it was realized that the Afro-American constituted the largest homogeneous ethnic group with a common origin and common group experience in the United States and, if allowed to exercise economic or political freedom, would in a short period of time own this country. WE MUST ESTABLISH A TECHNICIAN BANK. WE MUST DO THIS SO THAT THE NEWLY INDEPENDENT NATIONS OF AFRICA CAN TURN TO US WHO ARE THEIR BROTHERS FOR THE TECHNICIANSTHEY WILL NEED NOW AND IN THE FUTURE.

 

From that moment on Ras Nathaniel focused his efforts on conducting the Repatriation Census and became the unelected, grassroots representative of the African Diaspora, devoting himself to the fulfilment of the five-year plan for Ethiopian Millennium Repatriation.

On December 23, 2005, Ras Nathaniel and IRIE signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network (WHADN) creating the AU 6th Region Education Campaign. On April 18, 2003, the African Union in conjunction with the Foundation for Democracy in Africa (FDA) and members of WHADN, announced plans for establishing technical definitions of the Diaspora and the process of effectively integrating the Diaspora into the organs and programs of the African Union, notably the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOC). Members of WHADN and the AU delegation agreed that participants should become actively involved in this process by forwarding proposals thru the WHADN Secretariat to the AU Commission for consideration and taking ownership of the outcomes of adopted projects. It was stressed that WHADN is a network in which Diaspora organizations could freely mobilize and coordinate their interaction with the African Union on an equal basis, WHADN to serve as the “functional interface mechanism with the AU.” Among the first groups to submit a proposal to WHADN for consideration by the AU Commission was The Issembly for Rastafari Iniversal Education (IRIE). Recognizing that WHADN was “a functional interface mechanism with the AU” and “the first step of membership” in the AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative mandated to coordinate events in 2006 to popularize the AU, Ras Nathaniel, seeking funding and more immediate and effective means towards Repatriation to Africa, sought to utilize this new mechanism to present to the African Union the Rastafari Repatriation Census Proposal for the Start of the Ethiopian Millennium (September 11,2007).

According to the proposal, “Based on results already obtained in three Repatriation Census Workshops, IRIE estimates that there is a minimum of 100 cities or locations with 100 people with various skill sets, representing a minimum of $300,000 per city plus equipment. That translates into Brain Gain of 10,000 persons and US $30 million in financial resources plus equipment available for repatriation. . . . By conducting a Repatriation Census, the African Union will immediately benefit from having a central skills technician resource database from which they could fill skills shortages in various sectors of the African Continent’s economy. . . . This proposal seeks to combine the mandate for African Union Educational Workshops with the mandate to develop a Central Diaspora Skills Resource Bank with the existing Repatriation Census Workshops being conducted by the Issembly for Rastafari Iniversal Education.” The proposal was approved and thus was born the African Union 6th Region 2006 Education Campaign with Ras Nathaniel as its Director.

Immediately after signing the MOU, from January 4 to 10, 2006, Ras Nathaniel traveled to Jamaica to strategize with the Rastafari community on that island. A plan was eventually approved to host a Rastafari Global Unity Conference in South Africa (Azania). On November 8th, Ras Nathaniel arrived in Azania and a group of Rastafari Elders gave him the name, “Siphiwe Baleka”.  On November 9, Ras Nathaniel, along with Ras Tekla Haymanot, Sister Yaa Ashantewaa, and Ras Gareth Prince, appeared on South African Broadcasting Company (SABC) TV Africa Live program to explain the Rastafari position.

Immediately after returning from Azania, Ras Nathaniel traveled to Honduras in November for the Central American Black Organization (CABO) 12th Assembly in La Ceiba Honduras as a member of the Pan African Organizing Committee (PAOC). In Honduras, Ras Nathaniel was a roommate of elder Dr. Pauulu Kamarakafego, CEO of the Pan-African Movement to the United Nations. Dr. Kamarakafego has served as a counselor, consultant, official and friend to Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyere, CLR James, Walter Rodney and various African liberation movements. Dr. Kamarakafego was responsible for organizing the 6th Pan African Congress in Tanzania in 1969. With Dr. David Horne of the PAOC, Ras Nathaniel made a presentation on the AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative and the process for electing the twenty representatives to the AU’s Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC).

On January 6, 2007, at the request of the Pan African Community Coalition (PACC) and the Pan Afrikan Organizing Committee (PAOC), Ras Nathaniel was invited to the New York Town Hall Meeting to discuss and supervise the election of New York’s Diaspora Representatives to the African Union (AU). After his presentation, the town hall discussed the formation of the Community Council of Elders (CCE) that conducted the election on January 27th. 

March 31, 2007 Election Results for the African Union 6th Region for New York State http://nkwanta.tripod.com/id10.html?fbclid=IwAR1iDPhno6E_rauS7yslYJ1ihaNiwPL8PM9_bjXxxMUEVlMqDW2CLUqCIlY

March 31, 2007 Election Results for the African Union 6th Region for New York State http://nkwanta.tripod.com/id10.html?fbclid=IwAR1iDPhno6E_rauS7yslYJ1ihaNiwPL8PM9_bjXxxMUEVlMqDW2CLUqCIlY

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With African Diaspora elections underway and spreading throughout the Diaspora, Ras Nathaniel then attended the African Union Grand Debate in Ghana in July as Coordinator for IRIE and Director of the AU 6th Region Campaign. At this event, there were many other representatives and observers from the African Diaspora. Ras Nathaniel’s main focus was on the AU 6th Region Diaspora Initiative, the elections for its representatives to ECOSOC, and the issue of citizenship for members of the 6th Region.

Ras Nathaniel was a vocal supporter of a continental passport and setting up passport bureaus in African airports that could efficiently issue a Pan African passport to AU 6th Region members upon arrival anywhere on the continent. 

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Finally, Ras Nathaniel, working with his friend, Ras Ikael Tafari, who was the Commissioner of Pan African Affairs for the Government of Barbados, helped to set the agenda for the Africa Diaspora Global Conference facilitated by the Republic of South Africa on behalf of the African Union, and jointly organized by the AU, CARICOM and the Government of Barbados, August 27-28, 2007. The context of the event was the Bicentennial Global Dialogue on “Slave Trade, Reconciliation and Social Justice.” Ras Nathaniel submitted his last-ditch proposal for $10 million funding from the governments in attendance, including Venezuela, Brazil and China, for the Ethiopian Millennium Repatriation and an emergency airlift of everyone that had completed Repatriation Census forms in a fashion similar to Operation Solomon, which, on Africa Day, May 25, 1991, airlifted 10,000 Ethiopian Falasha Jews to Israel, an effort kept secret by the military and organized by the American Association of Ethiopian Jews. To Ras Nathaniel, Rastafarians had every right to be repatriated to their spiritual mecca, Ethiopia.

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The proposal was rejected, September 11, 2007 came and went, and with his Five-Year Plan now ending in failure, Ras Nathaniel disappeared. Fortunately, his effort, activities and documents have been documented and preserved in the 1,500-page, five volume set, Come Out of Her My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy.

On May 12, 2008, Ras Nathaniel legally changed his name to Siphiwe Baleka in order to honor his ancestors.

Today, Siphiwe has continued his educational ministry and focus on the OAAU Basic Unity point iii. Education: to “devise original educational methods and procedures which will liberate the minds of our children . . . to write and publish the textbooks needed to liberate our minds . . . . educating them  [our children] at home.” After receiving genetic testing results through African Ancestry on September 28, 2010, Siphiwe learned that his paternal DNA is a 100% match with the Balanta and his maternal DNA is a 99.2% match with Yoruba. For the past 9 years, Siphiwe began to study his paternal Balanta history, but struggled since Balanta has, from their origin, intentionally remained a stateless society without kings, chiefs, or leaders. As a result, most of their history has not been written down or studied. After collecting all the scattered references to the Balanta people in various European travel diaries, and re-reading African history through the eyes of the Balanta worldview, Siphiwe completed the first Balanta world history textbook, in three volumes, entitled Balanta B’Urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain. Using haplogroup migration studies and books by Cheik Anta Diop, Yoseph Ben Jochannan, John Henrik Clark, Credo Mutwa, Chancellor Williams and many other great African historians, scientists and intellects, Siphiwe was able to trace his and Balanta ancestral history from their earliest migrations down the Nile, to Wadi Kubbaniya from 42,000 BC to 18,500 BC, their further migration from modern day Sudan down the Nile into Nubia, Upper and Lower Kemet, and their migration across the continent from the Nile Valley across to their current homeland in Guinea Bissau. Using this history, Siphiwe then re-interprets world history from the viewpoint of Balanta at its center. Now, Siphiwe is working with other leaders in the genetic ancestry movement to develop a New Pan African Movement in the Diaspora that is based on the new knowledge of ancestry that had been denied the descendants of people captured, kidnapped and enslaved during the trans-Atlantic trade in African peoples. At the forefront of this movement is the House of Ancestry on which Siphiwe is a board member.

 

Siphiwe Baleka is an example of what one person with a Pan African education and Pan African vision can achieve. Whether it is his personal life, his business life, his athletic career, his publishing and media career, or his career as an artist ( he has sold many paintings), Siphiwe Baleka has internalized and manifested both excellence and the desire to uplift “his” people by any means necessary.

For the complete story of the untold history of this Balanta’s efforts at the African Union, purchase the five volumes of Come Out of Her, My People! 21st Century Black Prophetic Faith and Pan African Diplomacy

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Amilcar Cabral Describes Balanta People

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“In fact in the tragic history of revolutionary Africa, so many of whose leaders have left only a faint memory, three great figures stand out indisputably: Kwame Nkrumah, the visionary; Patrice Lumumba, the martyr; Amilcar Cabral, the unifier. As a unifier and mobilizer, he was both a theoretician and a man of action indefatigably in pursuit of reality, by revealing the deep roots, fundamental causes, so often blurred in the tumult of revolutionary action. For Guineans and Cape Verddians, he is the founder of the nation and the guide . . . .”

- Mario de Andrade, Biographical notes, Unity and Struggle: Speeches and Writings of Amilcar Cabral

“These long and difficult campaign for anti-colonial and post-colonial liberation and development in the African empire of the Portuguese - in Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Sao Tome - produced a number of outstanding revolutionary thinkers who proved able to live their thought in their practice, and who, in doing that, have displayed a rare and often decisive talent for explanation in writing and the spoken word. Among these thinkers, and even at the head of them, was Amilcar Cabral, the author of the writing in this book. Murdered by the agents of Portuguese Fascism in 1973, his work lives after him and is there for inspection. A supreme educator in the widest sense of the word, Cabral can be recognized even now as being among the great figures of our time. We need not wait for history’s judgement to tell us that.. . . . Suffice it to say that he was loved as well as followed, and he was both because he was large hearted, entirely committed, devoted to his people’s progress. . . . He raised an army, led and taught it how to fight, gave it detailed orders, supervised its every major action; but he did all this, by the habit of his practice, through a process of collective political discussion. . . . Cabral gave his life for the liberation that he served, and he had to give it long before his time and when he was still in the full zest and vigour of his work..”

- Basil Davidson, Introduction, Unity and Struggle: Speeches and Writings of Amilcar Cabral

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AMILCAR CABRAL DESCRIBES BINHAM B’URASSA (BALANTA PEOPLE)

Excerpt from Part 1 The Weapon of Theory, Party Principles and Political Practice

“The Balanta have what is called a horizontal society, meaning that they do not have classes one above the other. The Balanta do not have great chiefs; it was the Portuguese who made chiefs for them. Each family, each compound is autonomous and if there is any difficulty, it is a council of elders which settles it. There is no State, no authority which rules everybody. If there has been in our times, you are young; it was imposed by the Portuguese. There are Mandinga imposed as chiefs of the Balanta, or former African policemen turned into chiefs. The Balanta cannot resist, and they accept, but they are only play-acting towards the chief. Each one rules in his own house and there is understanding among them. They join together to work in the fields, etc.. and there is not much talk. And it can even happen in the Balanta group that there are two family compounds close to each other and they do not get on with each other because of a land dispute or some other quarrel from the past. They do not want anything to do with each other. But these are ancient customs whose origin one would need to explain, if we had time. Old stories, of blood, of marriage, of beliefs, etc. Balanta society is like this: the more land you work, the richer you are, but the wealth is not to be hoarded, it is to be spent, for one individual cannot be much more than another. That is the principle of Balanta society, as of other societies in our land. Whereas the Fula and Manjaco have chiefs, but they were not imposed by the Portuguese; it is part of the evolution of their history. Obviously we must tell you that in Guine the Fula and Mandinga at least are folk who came from abroad. The majority of Fula and Mandinga in our land were original inhabitants who became Fula and Mandinga. It is good to know this well so as to understand certain aspects. Because if we compare the life style of Fula in our land with that of the true Fula in other regions of Africa, there is a slight difference; even in the Futa-Djalon there is a difference. In our land many became Fula; former Mandinga became Fula. Even the Mandigna, who came and conquered as far as the Mansoa region ‘Mandingized’ persons and changed them into Mandinga. The Balanta refused and many people say that the very word ‘balanta’ means those who refuse. The Balanta is someone who is not convinced, who denies. But they did not refuse so much, because we find the Balanta-Mane, the Mansoaner. There were always some who accepted, and who were gradually growing in number, as they accepted becoming Moslems.

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Balanta, Pepel, Mancanha, etc., were all folk from the interior of Africa whom the Mandinga drove towards the sea. The Sussu of the Republic of Guinea, for example, come from Futa-Djalon, from where the Mandinga and the Fula drove them, The Mandinga drove them and later came the Fula who in turn drove the Mandinga. As we have said, the Fula society, for example, or the Manjaco society are societies which have classes from the bottom to the top. With the Balanta it is not like that: anyone who holds his head very high is not respected any more, already wants to become a white man, etc. For example, if someone has grown a great deal of rice, he must hold a great feast, to use it up. Whereas the Fula and Manjaco have other rules, with some higher then others. This means that the Manjaco and Fula have what are called vertical societies. At the top there is the chief, then follow the religious leaders, the important religious figures, who with the chiefs form a class. Then come others of various professions (cobblers, blacksmiths, goldsmiths) who, in any society, do not have equal rights with those at the top. By tradition, anyone who was a goldsmith was even ashamed of it - all the more if he were a ‘griot’ (minstrel). So we have a series of professions in a hierarchy, in a ladder, one below the other. The blacksmith is not the same as the cobbler, the cobbler is not the same as the goldsmith, etc.; each one has his distinct profession. Then come the great mass of folk who till the ground. They till to eat and live, they till the ground for the chiegs, according to custom. This is Fula and Manjaco society, with all the theories this implies such as that a given chief is linked to God. Among the Manjaco, for example, if someone is a tiller, he cannot till the ground without the chief’s order, for the chief carries the word of God to him. Everyone is free to believe what he wishes. But why is the whole cycle created? So that those who are on top can maintain the certainty that those who are below will not rise up against them. But in our land it has sometimes occurred, among the Fula, for example, that those who were below rose up and struggled against those at the top. There have sometimes been major peasants’ revolts. We have, for example, the case of Mussa Molo who overthrew the king and took his place. But as soon as he had taken the place, he adopted the same ancient law, because that was what suited him. Everything remained the same, because like that he was well off. And he soon forgot his origin. That, unhappily, is what many folk want.

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In this bush society, a great number of Balanta adhered to the struggle, and this is not by accident, nor is it because Balanta are better than others. It is because of their type of society, a horizontal (level) society, but of free men, who want to be free, who do not have oppression at the top, except the oppression of the Portuguese. The Balanta is his own man and the Portuguese is over him, because he knows that the chief there, Mamadu, is in no way his chief, but is a creature of the Portuguese. So he is the more interested in putting an end to this so as to remain totally free. And that is also why, when some Party element makes a mistake with the Balanta, they do not like it and become angered quickly, more quickly than any other group.

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Among the Fula and Manjaco it is not like this. The broad mass who suffer in fact are at the bottom, tillers of the soil (peasants). But there are many folk between them and the Portuguese. They are used to suffering, to suffering at the hands of their own folk, from the behaviour of their own folk. Someone who tills the soil has to work for all the chiefs, who are numerous, and for the district officers. So we have found the following: once they had really understood, a large proportion of the peasants adhered to the struggle, except one or other group with whom we had not worked well. . . .

In the societies with a horizontal structure, like the Balanta society, for example,the distribution of cultural levels is more or less uniform, variations being linked solely to individual characteristics and to age groups. In the societies with a vertical structure, like that of the Fula for example, there are important variations from the top to the bottom of the social pyramid. This shows once more the close connexion between the cultural factor and the economic factor, and also explains the difference in the overall or sectoral behavior of these two ethnic groups towards the liberation movement.“

Excerpt from Agricultural Census of Guine (1953)

“The Balanta tribe (30.07%), Fula (28.61%), Mandinga (15.69%) and Manjaco (12.62%) have the largest share of cultivated area, making up 86.99% of the overall total. . . . In other words: there are in Guine about twenty-five different tribes (1950 Population Census), of whom only a quarter have almost the whole of the cultivated area, with four peoples particularly prominent (Balanta, Fula, Mandinga and Manjaco). . . .

The largest cultivated areas correspond generally to the largest multiple cropped areas. The Fula people who have the largest area under crops do not, however, cultivate the largest true area (the Balanta people do this), as the former practise intenesive multiple-cropping (31, 811 hectares). . . .

Taking into consideration only the main crops (rice, cereals and groundnuts), it is seen that the Balanta people provide about half the area for floodplain rice (47.16%) the Manjaco people (14.30 %), Fula (12.27%) and Mandinga (10.53%) follow. . . .

The Balanta people supply 61.01% of the total production of floodplain rice. They are followed by the Manjaco people (12.06%), Fula (7.06%), Mandinga (6.9%) and Pepel (5.01%). . . . The highest average yields are those attained by the Balanta people, Pepel and Manjaco.

The Fula people supply nearly half the groundnuts production (43.61%), followed by the Mandinga people (22.71%), Balanta (17.92%), Manjaco (7.58%), Mancanha (3.80%) and Balanta-Mane (1.24%). . . .

For floodplain rice the highest averages (1800 kilograms) are found in the catio region and are attained by the Balanta people. . . .

In relation to trees bearing fruit, the Mandinga people (27.40%), Fula (20.74%), Balanta (16.88%) and Manjaco (12.11%) show the highest number of bushes. . . .

The Balanta people have the highest number of mangoes (fruit bearing, 33.26%; not bearing, 37.65%) . . . .

The Balanta and Mancanha peoples have the highest number of cashews.”

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Some of the videos below are in Portuguese. Click “CC” and change the settings to “Auto-translate - English” to get English Subtitles. Click here for more on Amilcar Cabral and the Revolutionary War.

AN ANSWER TO THOSE WHO CLAIM THAT AFRICAN AMERICANS ARE HEBREW OR “LOST JEWS”

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WHAT FOLLOWS IS A DISCUSSION OF THE ACTUAL HISTORICAL DOCUMENTATION OF THE HEBREW AND ISRAELITE ORIGIN

1.       The existence of Balanta ancient ancestors and their genetic record has already been documented, and in particular, those people of the haplogroup E-V38 which originated in the Horn of Africa about 42,300 years before the present. See: Reviewing the Sudanic/TaNihisi Origins of the Balanta.

2.       The spiritual principles of Balanta ancient ancestors from that time up until establishment of the first dynasty in Kemet, and 1,500 years before any mention of “Hebrews” and “Jews” and “Israelite” has also been documented. See: 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors.

Excerpts from Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volume II

From Cheik Anta Diop: The African Origin of Civilization

From Cheik Anta Diop: The African Origin of Civilization

Cheik Anta Diop, Civilization or Barbarism

Cheik Anta Diop, Civilization or Barbarism

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Mesopotamia

According to Wikipedia, “the Halaf culture is a prehistoric period which lasted between about 6100 BC and 5100 BC. Halaf culture ended by 5000 BC after entering the so-called Halaf-Ubaid Transitional period. Spreading from Eridu, the Ubaid culture extended from the Middle of the Tigris and Euphrates to the shores of the Persian Gulf, and then spread down past Bahrain to the copper deposits at Oman. The archaeological record shows that Arabian Bifacial/Ubaid period came to an abrupt end in eastern Arabia and the Oman peninsula at 3800 BC, just after the phase of lake lowering and onset of dune reactivation. At this time, increased aridity led to an end in semi-desert nomadism, and there is no evidence of human presence in the area for approximately 1,000 years, the so-called "Dark Millennium".

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Sumer, Akkad and Elam

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Wikipedia also states that “the term Sumerian is the common name given to the ancient non-Semitic-speaking inhabitants of Mesopotamia by the East Semitic-speaking Akkadians. The Sumerians referred to themselves as ùĝ saĝ gíg ga (cuneiform: ), phonetically /uŋ saŋ ɡi ɡa/, or sang-ngigaliterally meaning "the black-headed people", and to their land as ki-en-gi(-r)(cuneiform: ) ('place' + 'lords' + 'noble'), meaning "place of the noble lords". The Akkadians also called the Sumerians "black-headed people", or tsalmat-qaqqadi, in the Semitic Akkadian language. The Ubaidians, though never mentioned by the Sumerians themselves, are assumed by modern-day scholars to have been the first civilizing force in Sumer. They drained the marshes for agriculture, developed trade, and established industries, including weaving, leatherwork, metalwork, masonry, and pottery.

Sumerian civilization took form in the Uruk period (4th millennium BC), continuing into the Jemdet Nasr and Early Dynastic periods.

The earliest positively proven historical attestation of any Semitic people comes from 30th century BC Mesopotamia, with the East Semitic-speaking peoples of the Kish civilization, entering the region originally dominated by the people of Sumer (who spoke a language isolate).

Approaching Chaos: Could an Ancient Archetype Save C21st Civilization? By Lucy Wyatt

Approaching Chaos: Could an Ancient Archetype Save C21st Civilization? By Lucy Wyatt

African historian J.A. Rogers states in “100 Amazing Facts About the Negro With Complete Proof”:

“Elam, a mighty Negro civilization of Persia, flourished about 2900 B.C. and is perhaps older than Egypt or Ethiopia. One of its later Negro kings, Kudur Nakunta, conquered Chaldea and Babylon and brought back to his capital Susa, rich treasures among which was the famous statue of the goddess Nana. Later it became the capital of Cyrus the Great and Darius.”

During the 3rd millennium BC, a close cultural symbiosis developed between the Sumerians, who spoke a language isolate, and Akkadians, which gave rise to widespread bilingualism . . . . Sumer was conquered by the Semitic-speaking kings of the Akkadian Empire around 2270 BC (short chronology), but Sumerian continued as a sacred language. Native Sumerian rule re-emerged for about a century in the Third Dynasty of Ur at approximately 2100–2000 BC. . . . The Sumerian city of Eridu, on the coast of the Persian Gulf, is considered to have been one of the oldest cities, where three separate cultures may have fused:

that of peasant Ubaidians farmers, living in mud-brick huts and practicing irrigation;

that of mobile nomadic Semitic pastoralists living in black tents and following herds of sheep and goats;

and that of fisher folk, living in reed huts in the marshlands, who may have been the ancestors of the Sumerians.

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Following an Elamite invasion and sack of Ur during the rule of Ibbi-Sin (c. 1940 BC), Sumer came under Amorites rule (taken to introduce the Middle Bronze Age). The independent Amorite states of the 20th to 18th centuries are summarized as the "Dynasty of Isin" in the Sumerian king list, ending with the rise of Babylonia under Hammurabi c. 1700 BC. The Sumerians were eventually absorbed into the Akkadian (Assyro-Babylonian) population.”

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According to the Great Senegale Scientist Cheik Anta Diop,

“The Ancients remained silent about the alleged Mesopotamian culture prior to the Chaldeans. They considered the latter a caste of Egyptian astronomer-priests, that is to say, Negroes. According to the Egyptians, Diodorus reports, the Chaldeans were ‘a colony of their priests that Belus had transported on the Euphrates and organized on the model of the mother-caste, and this colony continues to cultivate the knowledge of the stars, knowledge that it brought from the homeland.’ So it is that ‘Chaldean’ formed the root of the Greek word for astrologer. The Tower of Babel, a step pyramid similar to the tower of Saqqara, also known as ‘Birs-Nimroud’ and ‘Temple of Baal,’ was probably the astronomical observatory of the Chaldeans.

This fits in, for Nimrod, son of Kush, grandson of Ham, the Biblical ancestor of the Blacks, is the symbol of worldly power: ‘He was a mighty hunter before the Lord. Hence the saying, ‘Like Nimrod, a mighty hunter before the Lord.’ The beginning of his kingdom was Babylon, Arach and Akkad, all of them in the land of Sennar. From that region Assur went forth.’ . . .

NOTE: Not true. According to List of Ethiopian Kings by H.I.H. Tafari Makonnen,  June 19, 1922, published in: “In The Country of The Blue Nile” by C.F. Rey, F.R.G.S., Commander of the Order of the Star of Ethiopia, Negro University Press, New York -

Nimroud is NOT the grandson of Ham. Nimroud is, in fact, the 12th Sovereign in the line of King Ori, reiging in 3776 BC and before the Biblical Flood. Kam (Ham) and Kout (Kush) appear about 1,000 years later…. Now who is going to know Ethiopian history better than the 334th King of Ethiopia in the line of the Original King Ori?

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Amorites and Hurrians

The introduction of “bronze” in the Early Bronze Age (3000-2000 B.C.) brought about a cultural revolution marked by the development of metallurgy, and a decline in pottery. By the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1550 B.C.), Amorites who were originally nomads from the dessert regions to the east, and southern Anatolia (modern Turkey), had penetrated Canaan and were inhabiting the hilly areas around the cities. From these hills, they launched raids and harassment attacks against the cities.

In addition to the Amorites, other invaders included the Hurrians (the Horites of the Old Testament), also came to Canaan from the north. The Late Bronze Age (1550–1200 B.C.) was marked by incursions of new Amorite marauders, these were Amorites displaced by the fall of the Hammurabian dynasty in Babylon. As it were, over time, the nomadic Amorites were joined by Amorites who had previously been in Mesopotamia. So that by now, the total of these Amorites had become the dominant element of the population in Canaan.

Many of these Amorites, such as the Biblical Abraham, continued on to Egypt.

Genesis 11:27-32

Now these are the generations of Terah: Terah begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran; and Haran begat Lot. And Haran died before his father Terah in the land of his nativity, in Ur of the Chaldees (Sumer). And Abram and Nahor took them wives: the name of Abram's wife was Sarai; and the name of Nahor's wife, Milcah, the daughter of Haran, the father of Milcah, and the father of Iscah. But Sarai was barren; she had no child. And Terah took Abram his son, and Lot the son of Haran his son's son, and Sarai his daughter in law, his son Abram's wife; and they went forth with them from Ur of the Chaldees, to go into the land of Canaan; and they came unto Haran (Anatolian city), and dwelt there. And the days of Terah were two hundred and five years: and Terah died in Haran. Genesis 12:9-10 And Abram journeyed, going on still toward the south. And there was a famine in the land: and Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there; for the famine was grievous in the land.

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According to Diop, “After many ups and downs, the Canaanites and the white tribes, symbolized by Abraham and his descendants (Isaac’s lineage), blended to become the Jewish people of today:

So Hemor and his son Sichem went to the gate of their city and spoke to their fellow citizens. ‘These men,’ they said, ‘are friendly: let them dwell with us and trade in the land, since there is ample room for them. Let us marry their daughters and give them our daughters to marry.’

Those few lines, which seem to be a ruse, nonetheless reveal the economic imperatives which at that time were to govern relations between white invaders and black Canaanites. Phoenician history is therefore incomprehensible only if we ignore the Biblical data according to which the Phoenicians, in other words, the Canaanites, were originally Negroes, already civilized, with whom nomadic, uncultured white tribes later mixed. . . . . This is how the lasting alliance between Egyptians and Phoenicians can be explained. Even throughout the most troubled periods of great misfortune, Egypt could count on the Phoenicians as one can more or less count on a brother. . . . To be sure, we should not minimize the role of economic relations between Egypt and Phoenicia in explaining the loyalty which seems to have existed. One can also understand that Phoenician religion and beliefs are to some extent mere replicas of Egypt’s. . . . .”

In Egypt these Amorites become known as Habiru or Hapiru (one who sells his services), whether these ‘services’ were as mercenaries or tradesman is unknown. In time, the number of Amorites in northern Egypt was sufficient to overthrow Egyptian rule and establish an independent region of Egypt ruled by Amorites, since known as the Hyksos (foreign kings or Shepherd Kings). The Egyptian historian Manetho, and the traitor Hebrew, Josephus Flavius, both wrote of the Amorite coup as an invasion.

Cheikh Ana Diop explains in The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality:

“In the Bible, when the first white races reached the place, they found a black race there, the Canaanites, descendants of Canaan, brother of Mesraim, the Egyptian, and Kush, the Ethiopian, sons of Ham.

The Lord said to Abram: ‘Leave your country, your kinsfolk and your father’s house, for the land which I will show you . . .” Abram went away as the Lord had commanded him, and Lot went with him. . . . Abram took Sarai his wife, Lot his brother’s son, all the property they had acquired and the persons they had got in Haran and they departed for the land of Canaan. When they came to the land of Canaan, Abram passed through the land to the sacred place at Sichem, near the plain of More. At that time the Canaanites were in the land.’”

Abraham migration1.JPG.png

“Shasu and Habiru

Wikipedia states that “The Shasu (from Egyptian š3sw, probably pronounced Shaswe) were Semitic-speaking cattle nomads in the Levant (Canaan) from the late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age or the Third Intermediate Period of Egypt. They were organized in clans under a tribal chieftain, and were described as brigands active from the Jezreel Valley to Ashkelon and the Sinai.

Some scholars link the Israelites and YHWH with the Shasu.

Hyksos are Shasu.JPG

The earliest known reference to the Shasu occurs in a 15th-century BCE list of peoples in the Transjordan region. The name appears in a list of Egypt's enemies inscribed on column bases at the temple of Soleb built by Amenhotep III. Copied later in the 13th century BCE either by Seti I or by Ramesses II at Amarah-West, the list mentions six groups of Shasu: the Shasu of S'rr, the Shasu of Rbn, the Shasu of Sm't, the Shasu of Wrbr, the Shasu of Yhw, and the Shasu of Pysps. Two Egyptian texts, one dated to the period of Amenhotep III (14th century BCE), the other to the age of Ramesses II (13th century BCE), refer to 'Yahu in the land of the Šosū-nomads' (t3 š3św yhw), in which yhw[3]/Yahu is a toponym. Regarding the name yhw3, Michael Astour observed that the "hieroglyphic rendering corresponds very precisely to the Hebrew tetragrammaton YHWH, or Yahweh, and antedates the hitherto oldest occurrence of that divine name – on the Moabite Stone – by over five hundred years." K. Van Der Toorn concludes: "By the 14th century BC, before the cult of Yahweh had reached Israel, groups of Edomites and Midianites worshipped Yahweh as their god."

Donald B. Redford has argued that the earliest Israelites, semi-nomadic highlanders in central Palestine mentioned on the Merneptah Stele at the end of the 13th century BCE, are to be identified as a Shasu enclave. Since later Biblical tradition portrays Yahweh "coming forth from Seʿir", the Shasu, originally from Moab and northern Edom/Seʿir, went on to form one major element in the amalgam that would constitute the "Israel" which later established the Kingdom of Israel. Per his own analysis of the el-Amarna lettersAnson Rainey concluded that the description of the Shasu best fits that of the early Israelites. If this identification is correct, these Israelites/Shasu would have settled in the uplands in small villages with buildings similar to contemporary Canaanite structures towards the end of the 13th century BCE.

Habiru (sometimes written as Hapiru, and more accurately as ʿApiru) is a term used in 2nd-millennium BCE texts throughout the Fertile Crescent (Canaan) for people variously described as rebels, outlaws, raiders, mercenaries, bowmen, servants, slaves, and laborers. The word Habiru, more properly 'Apiru, occurs in hundreds of 2nd millennium BCE documents covering a 600-year period from the 18th to the 12th centuries BCE and found at sites ranging from Egypt, Canaan and Syria, to Nuzi (near Kirkuk in northern Iraq) and Anatolia (Turkey), frequently used interchangeably with the Sumerian SA.GAZ, a phonetic equivalent to the Akkadian (Mesopotamian) word saggasu ("murderer, destroyer").

Not all Habiru were murderers and robbers: one 'Apiru, Idrimi of Alalakh, was the son of a deposed king, and formed a band of 'Apiru to make himself king of AlalakhWhat Idrimi shared with the other 'Apiru was membership of an inferior social class of outlaws, mercenaries, and slaves leading a marginal and sometimes lawless existence on the fringes of settled society. 'Apiru had no common ethnic affiliations and no common language, their personal names being most frequently West Semitic, but many East SemiticHurrian or Indo-European.

In the 18th century a north Syrian king named Irkabtum (c. 1740 BC) "made peace with [the warlord] Shemuba and his Habiru."

 In the Amarna tablets from 14th century BCE, the petty kings of Canaan describe them sometimes as outlaws, sometimes as mercenaries, sometimes as day-labourers and servants. Usually they are socially marginal, but Rib-Hadda of Byblos calls Abdi-Ashirta of Amurru (modern Lebanon) and his son 'Apiru, with the implication that they have rebelled against their common overlord, the Pharaoh. The biblical word "Hebrew", like Habiru, denotes a social category, not an ethnic group. Since the discovery of the 2nd millennium BCE inscriptions mentioning the Habiru, there have been many theories linking these to the Hebrews of the Bible, but modern scholars see the 'Apiru/Habiru as only one element in an early Israel composed of many different peoples, including nomadic Shasu, the biblical MidianitesKenites, and Amalekites, displaced peasants and pastoralists.

Habiru activity.JPG
Shasu and Abiru.JPG

WHAT ABOUT ETHIOPIAN FALASHA JEWS?

First, tradition holds that the word Ethiopia comes from the Greeks. Wikipedia states:

“Etymology

The Greek name Αἰθιοπία (from Αἰθίοψ, Aithiops, "an Ethiopian") is a compound word, derived from the two Greek words, from αἴθω + ὤψ (aitho "I burn" + ops "face"). According to the Perseus Digital Library, the designation properly translates as Burnt-face in noun form and red-brown in adjectival form.[37] The historian Herodotus used the appellation to denote those parts of Africa South of the Sahara that were then known within the Ecumene (inhabitable world).[38] 

However, the Greek formation may be a folk etymology for the Ancient Egyptian term athtiu-abu, which means 'robbers of hearts'.[39] 

This Greek name was borrowed into Amharic as ኢትዮጵያ, ʾĪtyōṗṗyā.

In Greco-Roman epigraphs, Aethiopia was a specific toponym for ancient Nubia.[40] 

At least as early as c. 850,[41] the name Aethiopia also occurs in many translations of the Old Testament in allusion to Nubia. The ancient Hebrew texts identify Nubia instead as Kush.[42] However, in the New Testament, the Greek term Aithiops does occur, referring to a servant of the Kandake, the queen of Kush.[43]

Following the Hellenic and Biblical traditions, the Monumentum Adulitanum, a third century inscription belonging to the Aksumite Empire, indicates that

Aksum's then ruler governed an area which was flanked to the west by the territory of Ethiopia and Sasu. The Aksumite King Ezana would eventually conquer Nubia the following century, and the Aksumites thereafter appropriated the designation "Ethiopians" for their own kingdom.

In the Ge'ez version of the Ezana inscription, Aἰθιόποι is equated with the unvocalized Ḥbšt and Ḥbśt (Ḥabashat), and denotes for the first time the highland inhabitants of Aksum. This new demonym would subsequently be rendered as 'ḥbs ('Aḥbāsh) in Sabaic and as Ḥabasha in Arabic.[40]

In the 15th-century Ge'ez Book of Aksum, the name is ascribed to a legendary individual called Ityopp'is. He was an extra-Biblical son of Cush, son of Ham, said to have founded the city of Axum.[44]

In English, and generally outside of Ethiopia, the country was once historically known as Abyssinia. This toponym was derived from the Latinized form of the ancient Habash.[45]

List of Ethiopian Kings by H.I.H. Tafari Makonnen, June 19, 1922, published in: “In The Country of The Blue Nile” by C.F. Rey, F.R.G.S., Commander of the Order of the Star of Ethiopia, Negro University Press, New York

List of Ethiopian Kings by H.I.H. Tafari Makonnen, June 19, 1922, published in: “In The Country of The Blue Nile” by C.F. Rey, F.R.G.S., Commander of the Order of the Star of Ethiopia, Negro University Press, New York

Map of the Nile Valley using indigenous names by Dr. Ben Jochannan, Black Man of the Nile and His Family.

Map of the Nile Valley using indigenous names by Dr. Ben Jochannan, Black Man of the Nile and His Family.

Aksum.JPG

So, understand, there are different people living in this territory which is regularly and simultaneously referred to as Cush, Nubia, Ethiopia, and Abyssinia. Within this territory at various times, you have different “kingdoms” ruled by different peoples. Just like there is no single “African” identity and culture, but rather a vast mix of diverse cultures, there’s no single “Ethiopian” people, either, and the word “Ethiopia” was not first used by the Greeks, who did not enter into Egypt, let alone further south, until the 7th century BC.

How could “Ethiopia” be a Greek word meaning “burnt faces” when “Itiypus” was used as the name of an indigenous ruler one thousand years prior to the arrival of the Greeks???????

Now, when the Semitic people described above, mixed race nomads, wandered into “Ethiopia”, they mixed and converted some of the people to their religion called Judaism. This began with the “Jewish” rule of Egypt 500 years before the Assyrian invasion. The genetic record shows that Falasha’s have DNA originating from “Arabia” and the “Orient” that distinguishes them from the other indigenous people living in the area.

JOURNAL ARTICLE Origins of Falasha Jews Studied by Haplotypes of the Y Chromosome GÉRARD LUCOTTE and PIERRE SMETS Human Biology Vol. 71, No. 6 (December 1999), pp. 989-993 (5 pages)

JOURNAL ARTICLE Origins of Falasha Jews Studied by Haplotypes of the Y Chromosome GÉRARD LUCOTTE and PIERRE SMETS Human Biology Vol. 71, No. 6 (December 1999), pp. 989-993 (5 pages)

Falasha Jews 1.JPG

WHAT HAPPENED AFTER THE 500 YEAR JEWISH RULE IN KEMET

Makuria and Alwa.JPG

The Greeks ruled Egypt for almost 300 years before the expansion of the Roman Empire into Egypt ended their dominion in 30 B.C. This was our ‘flashback point of departure, but before returning to the Ethiopian churches, the significance of what we have been reviewing as flashbacks should again be emphasized as a great issue. For we have been reviewing the last phase of the processes of Caucasianization in Egypt that were so thoroughgoing that both the Blacks and their history were erased from our memory: the Jewish rule, 500 years; the Assyrian interludes; the Persians, 185 years; the Greeks 274 years; the Romans, 700 years; the Arabs, 1,327 years – the long, long struggle to take from the Blacks whatever they had of human worth, their land and all their wealth therein; their bodies their souls, and their minds, was a process of steady depersonalization, dehumanization.

The Asians and Mulattoes held Northern Abyssinia, with the center of power in the strategic kingdom of Axum. From Axum the Arabs prepared their forces for the destruction of a now weakening Ethiopian empire. The weakness, as usual, came from separatist movements struggling for power. It was the old-time factional fights among leaders who felt they must ‘rule or ruin’ . . . . But it was the situation for which the Axumite Arabs and their colored and Jewish allies were waiting. In 350 A.D., their armies destroyed Meroe, and an epoch in history ended.

Ethiopia was now split into three major states: Nobadae, bordering Egypt at the First Cataract; Makuria, the more powerful kingdom in the middle with its capital at Dongola; and Alwa (Alodia), another strong state south of Makuria or between Makuria and Axum. After the collapse of the central black empire in the fourth century, the Christian churches spread more rapidly through the now independent kingdoms. Even in the division of Ethiopia into smaller states, the process of ethnic transformation was obvious as it pressed southward from Egypt, Greek and Roman presence had been heavy and marked in Nobadae. Since no one now questioned that Nobadae (Nubia) was Ethiopian, the mixed breed could not be called Egyptian as was the previous case of first Cataract. The population in this kingdom bordering Caucasianized Egypt was now predominantly Afro-European and Afro-Asian.

In the fourth century A.D., the areas of black power had been pushed out of Egypt down to where the kingdom of Makuria formed its borders with Nobadae. Here the concentration of Blacks began, just as though a southward movement of the race was a decree of providence. Here, once again, they took their stand; here again, even in the lands which were officially Christian, black battle lines had to be formed again for defense. The Axumite Coloured ‘Solomonids’ and Arabs had retired after the destruction of the black empire. The more immediate danger was still Egypt.

Which Migration of the Balanta?

 

We have already seen that there were several migrations of people from Ta-Meri and Ta-Nihisi prior to the First Dynasty in Khem, and throughout the next thirty-three dynasties. Our great 20th Century historians – Cheikh Anta Diop, Yosef ben-Jochannan, John Henrik Clarke, Chancellor Williams, and after them, Moustafa Gadalla, have all detailed how the Anu and others always retreated from Ta-Meri and went south into Ta-Nihisi, Kush and beyond, whenever foreigners invaded. We now know that during this time that there were well-established trade routes that led south and west from Ta-Nihisi to Lake Chad and to Kano in Nigeria. With so many migrations, how can we determine when and where our ancestors left?

Gadalla 1 Ancient Trade Routes.JPG

Another clue is provided by Moustafa Gadalla, who writes in his book Exiled Egyptians,

“During the second half of the first millennium CE, the Central Soudan – that 2,000-mile (3,200 km) area stretching from the Senegal region to Dar-Fur – saw a population explosion and the emergence and consolidation of a number of substantial organized, de-centralized, wealthy states. They were all developed in the Sahel – a region running across Africa, south of the Sahara and north of Lake Chad. The Sahel is a hot, dry savannah that can support human agriculture and settlement. . . .

All sources and evidence agree to the following characteristics of this population explosion:

1.       The sudden increase in population in the region resulted from the migration of highly civilized, well-organized, mostly agricultural people.

2.       The original sparsely negroid population speak of highly civilized people who settled and governed them peacefully.

3.       The newcomers were light-skinned.

4.       The newcomers had the technological and financial resources to build irrigation, waterworks, and land reclamation projects, in order to provide the food needed to sustain such large populations.

5.       The newcomers had the knowledge and experience of a well-organized society: politically and socially.

6.       They were knowledgeable and experienced in city planning and infrastructure, as evident in the numerous settlements that they built.

7.       Significant polities started emerging after 500 CE.

8.       They had advanced knowledge of metal-working.”

Given that the Balanta were not light skinned, did not support large populations nor develop sophisticated social and political systems, preferring to be leaderless, and did not carry with them Egyptian religious deities but instead carried with them the Great Belief and their traditional spiritual customs, then we can rule out any of the above such migrations.

It is likely that our Balanta ancestors constituted “the original sparsely negroid population” that Gadalla speaks of. Remember, descendants of Baba Amuntu Abansundu were already living in this area as early as 17,000 BC and there was a tremendous amount of genetic diversity which means DIFFERENT BLACK PEOPLE WITHIN AFRICA.

Desmond Clark Map 20k BC.JPG
genetic variation in africa.jpg

The rest of the Balanta migration story from the Nile Valley to present day Guinea Bissau is documented in Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volumes I and II

Clearly, the Balanta people had nothing to do with Shashu, Habiru, Hebrew or Jewish people.

Consequently, those Balanta that were captured, brought to and enslaved in the Americas during the European Trans Atlantic were not and could not have been descendants of “Hebrews”, “Jews” or “Israelites”.

Although some African Americans may be descended from “Hebrews”, “Jews” or “Israelites” who migrated from the Nile to West Africa, those who make such blanket claims for ALL African Americans do so as a consequence of having their actual ancestry erased from their memory, as a consequence of the terrorism and trauma inflicted on their ancestors who were brought to the Americas and enslaved. THIS IS CALLED ETHNOCIDE.

After two or three generations of not speaking their original ancestors’ language and practicing their original ancestors’ culture, their actual identity was lost. In an effort to reclaim those identities, many African Americans turned to the only source of information available to them - the Bible, and sought to identify with peoples described therein. However, the Bible, as a source of “truth” for revealing African identity was extremely flawed at best, even though it contained some history of African people.

Today, genetic testing and a re-reading of history enables African Americans to both identify their actual ancestors and understand their actual history, without having to make faith-based claims of identity that are just based on that - faith - and not actual truth. We do not have to look to the Bible for answers when we have the actual record written in stone from our ancestors and genetic science as a new tool to establish lineage and for interpretation.

Hebrew nonsense.JPG
Nat Turner Award.JPG

26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors

According to the DNA marker E3a*-M2 (also called E1b1a) found in the Mandinka and Balanta people, our Balanta ancestors shared a common origin with all Bantu people at the end of the Pleistocene around 9,500 BC.

Tassili n Ajjer 8.JPG

Excerpt from the book Bantu Philosophy by Placide Tempels as quoted in Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain Volume I

1.       “It is today generally admitted that, among Bantu peoples, it is the oldest of all who have maintained the most pure form of the concept of the Supreme Being, Creator, and Disposer of the Universe. The faith of Bantu people in the Supreme Being lies at the root of all the religious conceptions current among them: animism, dynamism, fetishism and magic.”

 

2.       “Bantu behavior is centered in a single value: vital force. The Bantu say, in respect of a number of strange practices in which we see neither rhyme nor reason, that their purpose is to acquire life, strength or vital force, to live strongly, that they are to make life stronger, or to assure that force shall remain perpetually in one’s posterity.”

 

3.       “Force, the potent life, vital energy are the object of prayers and invocations to God, to the spirits and to the dead, as well as of all that is usually called magic, sorcery or magical remedies. The Bantu will tell you that they go to a diviner to learn the words of life, so that he can teach them the way of making life stronger.”

 

4.       “The spirits of the first ancestors, highly exalted in the superhuman world, possess extraordinary force inasmuch as they are the founders of the human race and propagators of the divine inheritance of vital human strength. The other dead are esteemed only to the extent to which they increase and perpetuate their vital force in their progeny.”

 

5.       “In the minds of Bantu, all beings in the universe possess vital force of their own: human, animal, vegetable, or inanimate. Each being has been endowed by God with a certain force, capable of strengthening the vital energy of the strongest being of all creation: man.”

 

6.       “Supreme happiness, the only kind of blessing, is, to the Bantu, to possess the greatest vital force: the worst misfortune and, in very truth, the only misfortune, is, he thinks, the diminution of this power.”

 

7.       “Every illness, wound or disappointment, all suffering, depression or fatigue, every injustice and every failure: all these are held to be, and are spoken of by the Bantu, as a diminution of vital force.”

 

8.       “Illness and death do not have their source in our own vital power, but result from some external agent who weakens us through his greater force. It is only by fortifying our vital energy, through the use of magical recipes, that we acquire resistance to malevolent external forces.”

 

9.       “Those who think that, according to the Bantu, one being can entirely annihilate another, to the point that he ceases to exist, conceive a false idea. Doubtless one force that is greater than another can paralyze it, diminish it, or even cause its operation totally to cease, but for all that the force does not cease to exist. Existence which comes from God cannot be taken from a creature by any created force.”

 

10.   “This concept of separate beings, of substance (to use the Scholastic term again) which find themselves side by side, entirely independent one of another, is foreign to Bantu thought. Bantu hold that created beings preserve a bond one with another, an intimate ontological relationship, comparable with the causal tie which binds creature and Creator. For the Bantu there is interaction of being with being, that is to say, of force with force. Transcending the mechanical, chemical and psychological interactions, they see a relationship of forces which we should call ontological.”

 

11.   “One force will reinforce or weaken another. This causality is in no way supernatural in the sense of going beyond the proper attributes of created nature. It is, on the contrary, a metaphysical causal action which flows out of the very nature of a created being. General knowledge of these activities belongs to the realm of natural knowledge and constitutes philosophy properly so called. The observation of the action of these forces in their specific and concrete applications would constitute Bantu natural science.”

 

12.   “In what Europeans call ‘primitive’ magic there is, to Bantu eyes, no operation of supernatural, indeterminate forces, but simply the interaction between natural forces, as they were created by God and as they were put by him at the disposal of men.”

 

13.   “Above all force is God, Spirit and Creator, the mwine bukomo bwandi. It is he who has force, power, in himself. He gives existence, power of survival and of increase, to other forces. In relation to other forces, he is “He who increases force”. After him come the first fathers of men, founders of the different clans. These archipatriarchs were the first to whom God communicated his vital force, with the power of exercising their influences on all posterity. They constitute the most important chain binding men to God. They occupy so exalted a rank in Bantu thought that they are not regarded merely as ordinary dead. They are no longer named among the manes: and by the Baluba they are called bavidye, spiritualized beings, beings belonging to a higher hierarchy, participating to a certain degree in the divine Force.”

 

14.   “After these first parents come the dead of the tribe, following their order of primogeniture. They form a chain, through the links of which the forces of the elders exercise their vitalizing influence on the living generation. Those living on earth rank, in fact, after the dead. The living belong in turn to a hierarchy, not simply following legal status, but as ordered by their own being in accordance with primogeniture and their vital rank: that is to say, according to their vital power.”

 

15.   “But man is not suspended in thin air. He lives on his land, where he finds himself to be the sovereign vital force, ruling the land and all that lives on it: man, animal or plant. The eldest of a group or of a clan is, for Bantu, by Divine law the sustaining link of life, binding ancestors and their descendants. It is he who ‘reinforces’ the life of his people and of all inferior forces, animal, vegetable and inorganic, that exist, grow, or live on the foundation which he provides for the welfare of his people. The true chief, then, following the original conception and political set up of clan peoples, is the father, the master, the king; he is the source of all zestful living; he is as God himself. This explains what the Bantu mean when they protest against the nomination of a chief, by government intervention, who is not able, by reason of his vital rank or vital force, to be the link binding dead and living. ‘Such a one cannot be chief. It is impossible. Nothing would grow in our soil; our women would bear no children and everything would be struck sterile.’”

 

16.   “The quality of ‘mfumu’ (chief) is added to the commonality of an individual neither by external nomination, nor by singling him out. He becomes and is ’mfumu’ by endowment therewith; he is a new higher vital force capable of strengthening and maintaining everything which falls ontologically within his cure. A man does not become chief of the clan and patriarch by natural succession through the deaths of other elders who had precedence and because he has become the oldest surviving member of the clan, but because primogeniture inherently supposes an inner secretion of vital power, raising the ‘muntu’ of the elder to the rank of intermediary and channel of forces between the clan ancestors on the one hand and posterity with all its clan patrimony on the other hand. It never takes one long to observe the transformation on becoming chief of a man whom one has formerly known as an ordinary member of the community. The qualitative change is made evident by an awakening of his being, by an immanent inspiration or even, sometimes, by a kind of ‘possession’. The ‘muntu’, in fact, becomes aware of, and is informed by, his whole conception of the world around, through all his modes of knowledge, that he is now a true ‘muntu’, endowed with a new power which did not belong to his former human status. He is no longer what he was. He has been changed in his very quality of being.”

 

17.   “Can one, then, be surprised that each accession of essential life is indicated by the gift of a new name? Such is required to indicate that the ‘muntu’ has been renewed and strengthened.”

 

18.   “The name expresses the individual character of the being. The name is not a simple external courtesy, it is the very reality of the individual. . . . The ‘muntu’ may have several names. Among the Baluba, there are generally three kinds of names – the inner name, the life name, or the name of the being. This name is never lost. A second name is the one given on the occasion of an accession of force, such as the name at circumcision, the name of the chief, or the name received by a sorcerer on initiation, investiture, or on the occasion when a man becomes possessed by a spirit. Finally, there are names that one chooses oneself, a name which serves only to indicate the person, without having any profound relationship to the person or to his individuality. . . . Such are the ‘majina a kizungu’. European names, as, for example . . . Is it not fitting, indeed, that the ‘muntu wa bazunga’ (the White’s man) who is putting himself under the living, dominating influence of white people, should have also an European name?”

 

19.   “In the mind of the Bantu, the dead also live; but theirs is a diminished life, with reduced vital energy. This seems to be the conception of the Bantu when they speak of the dead in general, superficially and in regard to the external things of life. When they consider the inner reality of being, they admit that deceased ancestors have not lost their superior reinforcing influence; and that the dead in general have acquired a greater knowledge of life and of vital or natural force. Such deeper knowledge as they have in fact been able to learn concerning vital and natural forces they use only to strengthen the life of man on earth.  The same is true of their superior force by reason of primogeniture, which can be employed only to reinforce their living posterity. The dead forbear who can no longer maintain active relationships with those on earth is ‘completely dead’, as Africans say. They mean that this individual vital force, already diminished by decease, has reached a zero diminution of energy, which becomes completely static through lack of faculty to employ its vital influence on behalf of the living. This is held to be the worst of disasters for the dead themselves. The spirits of the dead (”manes’) seek to enter into contact with the living and to continue living function upon earth.

 

20.   “Inferior forces, on the other hand (animal, plant, mineral) exist only, and by the will of God, to increase the vital force of men while they are on earth. Higher and lower forces, therefore, are thought of by the Bantu in relation to living human forces.

 

21.   Another law says that the living being exercises a vital influence on everything that is subordinated to him and on all that belongs to him. . . . The fact that a thing has belonged to anyone, that it has been in strict relationship with a person, leads the Bantu to conclude that this thing shares the vital influence of its owner. It is what ethnologists like to call ‘contagious magic, sympathetic magic”; but it is neither contact nor ‘sympathy’ that are the active elements, but solely the vital force of the owner, which acts, as one knows, because it persists in the being of the thing possessed or used by him.”

 

22.   The ‘kilumu’ or ‘nganga’, that is to say the man who possesses a clearer than usual vision of natural forces and their interaction, the man who has the power of selecting these forces and of directing them towards a determinist usage in particular cases, becomes what he is only because he has been ‘seized’ by the living influence of a deceased ancestor or of a spirit, or even because he has been ‘initiated’ by another ‘kilumbu’ or ‘nganga’. The general principles of Bantu ontology carry the corollary that every man can be influenced by a wiser one.”

 

23.   “Study and the personal search for knowledge does not give wisdom. One can learn to read, to write, to count: to manage a motor car, or learn a trade: but all that has nothing in common with ‘wisdom’. It gives no ontological knowledge of the nature of beings. There are many talents and clever skills that remain far short of wisdom. That is how the Bantu speak of their traditional wisdom.”

 

24.   “Bantu conscience: The moral conscience of Bantu, their consciousness of being good or bad, of acting rightly or wrongly, likewise conforms to their philosophical views, to their wisdom. The idea of a universal moral order, of the ordering of forces, of a vital hierarchy, is very clear to all Bantu. They are aware that, by divine decree, this order of forces, this mechanism of interaction among beings, ought to be respected. They know that the action of forces follows immanent laws, that these rules are not to be played with, that the influences of forces cannot be employed arbitrarily. They distinguish use from abuse. They have a notion of what we may call immanent justice, which they would translate to mean that to violate nature incurs her vengeance and that misfortune springs from her. They know that he who does not respect the laws of nature becomes ‘wa malwa’, as the Baluba would express it; that is to say, he is a man whose inmost being is pregnant with misfortune and whose vital power is vitiated as a result, while his influence on others is therefore equally injurious. This ethical conscience of theirs is at once philosophical, moral and juridical.

 

25.   “The notion of duty: The individual knows what his moral and legal obligations are and that they are to be honored on pain of losing his vital force. He knows that to carry out his duty will enhance the quality of his being. As a member of the clan, the ‘muntu’ knows that by living in accordance with his vital rank in the clan, he can and should contribute to the maintenance and increase of the clan by the normal exercise of his favorable vital influence. He knows his clan duties He knows, too, his duties towards other clans. However hostile in practice intertribal relations may be, Bantu know and say that it is forbidden to kill an outsider without a reason. Outsiders, in fact, are equally God’s people and their vital force has a right to be respected. The diminution and destruction of an outsider’s life involves  disturbance of the ontological order and will be visited upon him who disturbs it.”

 

26.   “The ‘muntus’ obligations increase in accordance with his vital rank. The elder, the Chief, the King know very well that their doings do not involve their own personal vital force only. They and their subjects fully realize that their deeds will have repercussions upon the whole community subject to them. From that proceeds the scrupulous care that can be observed among all primitive peoples to protect the Chief, the strengthener of life, against every injury to his vital force, by means of a bundle of vetoes and prohibitions. These are designed to maintain intact his ontological power, his vital force, the source of the inviolability of all his subjects.”

Reviewing the Sudanic/TaNihisi Origins of the Balanta

Penguin Atlas of African History: New Edition, Colin McEvedy p.15

Penguin Atlas of African History: New Edition, Colin McEvedy p.15

1.       According to Wikipedia, The Nilotic peoples are peoples indigenous to the Nile Valley…. The Nilotes constitute the majority of the population in South Sudan, an area that is believed to be their original point of dispersal. After the Bantu peoples, they constitute the second-most numerous group of peoples inhabiting the African Great Lakes region around the Eastern Great Rift.[2] They make up a notable part of the population of southwestern Ethiopia as well. A Proto-Nilotic unity, separate from an earlier undifferentiated Eastern Sudanic unity, is assumed to have emerged by the 3rd millennium BC. The development of the Proto-Nilotes as a group may have been connected with their domestication of livestock. The Eastern Sudanic unity must have been considerably earlier still, perhaps around the 5th millennium BC (while the proposed Nilo-Saharan unity would date to the Upper Paleolithic about 15,000 years ago). The original locus of the early Nilotic speakers was presumably east of the Nile in what is now South Sudan. The Proto-Nilotes of the 3rd millennium BC were pastoralists, while their neighbors, the Proto-Central Sudanic peoples, were mostly agriculturalists.[10]]

 

2.       Haplogroup E1b1a is a direct basal branch of Y-chromosome haplogroup E-V38, which originated in the Horn of Africa about 42,300 years before present. (Fifth Migration to Sudan (Haplogroup E – Balanta Ancestors; purple on map page 57)

 

3.       Around 9000 YBP, when the Sahara went through a period of maximum humidity (Aumassip et al. 1988), several Neolithic cultures flourished in the area, bringing together people of sub‐Saharan and North African origin (Dutour et al. 1988).

 

4.       Although the founder L0a1 haplotype is shared in an east-to-west corridor, an intriguing increased frequency of L0a1 in the Balanta might parallel A1-M31 and A3b2-M13 Y chromosomes in representing East African traces. The emerging lineages are exclusive of Guineans, indicating a rapid spread and local expansion after arrival. These may therefore reflect the arrival of their ancestors in the Holocene, about seven thousand years ago.

 

5.       Haplogroup E in general is believed to have originated in Northeast Africa,[11] and was later introduced to West Africa from where it spread around 5,000 years ago to Central, Southern and Southeastern Africa with the Bantu expansion.[12][13]

 

6.       Nevertheless the most important finding is that Balanta, Papel and Felupe-Djola are the only people in Guinea-Bissau to show “pure” East African inheritance (L0a, L3e, L3f1 and L3h mtDNAs, combined with A1, A3b2, E3* and E3b* Y chromosomes), further supporting their East African origin. . . . While some studies suggest linguistic affinities between Balanta and the Sudanese family, their spread related to that of Cushitic migrants (Quintino 1964), others hypothesize on their common origin with Bantu, near the Nile in the Late Pleistocene (Stuhlmann 1910).

 

7.       A link of Balanta and Sudanese-speakers is traceable in A3b2-M13 and E3* Y chromosomes (Rosa et al. 2007), found to be frequent among Sudanese and Ethiopians (Underhill et al. 2000, Semino et al. 2002).

 

8.       Even if there are no firm archaeological indications that early Holocene sorghum or millets were being domesticated, the spread of the Sudanic people at that time may be an example of farming/language dispersal (Ehret 1997, Ehret 2003). This dispersal could have extended to all the Sahara, including West Sahara, with later introgressions to the Niger-Congo speakers (Bellwood 2005). Under such model, and together with the genetic evidence, the Balanta’s Sudanese origin gains relevance. A common origin with the Bantu, one of most notable people in the sub-Saharan agricultural context, may suggest that different peoples jointly learnt agricultural techniques, and thus be a support for the expansion observed in the paternal pool of the Balanta.”

 

9.       Interestingly, only the Balanta, a group claiming Sudanese origin, showed an increased frequency of this clade (11%). Haplogroup L0a has a Paleolithic time depth in East African populations (33,000 year old, Salas et al. 2002).

 

10.    M1 in the Balanta‐Djola group, suggests a correlation between the genetic and linguistic affiliation of Guinean populations. The presence of M1 in Balanta populations supports the earlier suggestion of their Sudanese origin.

 

11.    The origin of the Balantas is uncertain. Some see language affinities with the Sudanese from whom they could have separated 2000 years ago with the first spread of Kushites migrations (Quintino, 1964). According to Stuhlmann (1910), the group derives from a Bantu branch, which separated in the Pleistocene near the Nile, following Kamite invasions.”

My sons, there is thus solid evidence that our Bantu ancestors are descendants from the Nilotic Sudanese who lived in what was called Ta-Nihisi. As we will see, from as early as 5,000 BCE up until 300 BCE, our ancestors started migrating westward from this area. I cannot prove from which one of the groups in Ta-Nihisi, whether Lower, Upper or Southern Nubia, our ancestors belonged, and from which exodus they left. However, genetic testing in the future may allow us to determine this.